Publications

316 entries « ‹ 3 of 4 › »

116.	Schmitter, Philippe C.; Trechsel, Alexander H.: The future of Democracy in Europe: Trends, Analyses and Reforms. A Green Paper for the Council of Europe. Council of Europe Publishing, 2004, (Author Role: co-ordinators). (Type: Book \| Links \| Tags: Democratic theory, Publications) @book{RN41940, title = {The future of Democracy in Europe: Trends, Analyses and Reforms. A Green Paper for the Council of Europe}, author = {Philippe C. Schmitter and Alexander H. Trechsel}, url = {http://www.coe.int/t/e/integrated_projects/democracy/05_Key_texts/02_Green_Paper/}, year = {2004}, date = {2004-01-01}, publisher = {Council of Europe Publishing}, note = {Author Role: co-ordinators}, keywords = {Democratic theory, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {book} } Close http://www.coe.int/t/e/integrated_projects/democracy/05_Key_texts/02_Green_Paper[…] Close
115.	Micheletti, Michele; Follesdal, Andreas; Stolle, Dietlind: Politics, products and markets: Exploring political consumerism past and present. Transaction Press, New Brunswick, N.J., 2004. (Type: Book \| Abstract \| Links \| Tags: Edited books, Human Rights) @book{RN32700, title = {Politics, products and markets: Exploring political consumerism past and present}, author = {Michele Micheletti and Andreas Follesdal and Dietlind Stolle}, url = {http://www.transactionpub.com/cgi-bin/transactionpublishers.storefront/3fc742320016c3129c4dc0a80a6606b2/Product/View/0&2D7658&2D0200&2D7}, year = {2004}, date = {2004-01-01}, publisher = {Transaction Press}, address = {New Brunswick, N.J.}, abstract = {This volume examines closely the roots and contemporary forms of the phenomenon of political consumerism. The United Nations, Amnesty International, and other international governmental and nongovernmental organizations claim openly that they must rely on market actors to accomplish their goals. ... In recent decades, consumers’ product choice has been increasingly influenced by a growing concern for transnational and global issues of justice, care for the dnvironment, and human rights. Global movements and networks help mobilize consumers to make political and ethical purchases. ... Part I, entitled “Making Money Morally,” concerns why it may appear controversial to call upon market actors to act in a morally responsible way. ...political consumerism challenges the traditional division of private interest pursued by private actors in the market, and public interests pursued through political means. It crosses over this division in its attempts to compensate for ethical unfairness in a variety of ways. Yet the practices of political consumption also create new dilemmas often ignored by consumers. Andreas Føllesdal explores philosophically why we need to concern ourselves with the moral responsibility of the market in the world today....Among his concerns is the development of normative criteria for assessing the legitimacy of political consumer action in the global marketplace that aims at supplementing governmental regulation. He wonders how these citizen watchdogs can develop and maintain their credibility and integrity in the absence of global, institutionalized checks and balances. Paul Kennedy’s chapter focuses on the impact of political consumers on business. He asks what happens to business as a market actor once it adapts itself to more ethical and political concerns. .. Part II, entitled “Consumer Choices and Setting the Agenda of Politics,” focuses on three basic questions ...: what is new about using the market as a site for politics, how effective is it, and does it always promote good causes? ...Monroe Friedman discusses in his chapter three important criteria for evaluating consumer boycotts: their successfulness, effectiveness, and ethical quality.... Cheryl Greenberg’s chapter draws on American history .. . there is nothing inherent in political consumerism that guarantees the moral respectability of its pursued goals, and that good motives do not replace the need for strategic planning.... David Vogel’s chapter also draws on the United States. to show how outraged Americans have expressed their concern over political injustices in the marketplace. ...citizens with clear political preferences can use their economic power to pressure corporations to consider ethical issues as part of their policy agenda. Part II moves from historical cases ..W. Lance Bennett’s and Jonah Peretti’s chapters make clear how the media play an important role in mobilizing support for large campaigns that criticize existing corporate practices. Bennett focuses on campaigns directed at large, globalized corporate enterprises. ... Jonah Peretti’s chapter, together with Michele Micheletti, describes Peretti’s request to order a pair of customized Nike shoes with the name ”sweatshop” on them, turned him into a global celebrity... “Building Responsible Institutions in Multi-Risk Society” is the title of Part III, with the establishment of new political consumerist institutions as the central theme.... Franck Cochoy’s chapter shows how the old and established institution of standardization, .. has revamped itself into an institution for product certification that reflects consumers’ concerns.... The chapter co-authored by Andrew Jordan, Rüdiger Wurzel, Anthony R. Zito, and Lars Brückner offers a comparative assessment of the important national eco-labeling schemes now in operation in Europe. .Two important ingredients of success are consumer support and market competition. ...Benjamin Cashore, Graeme Auld, and Deanna Newson discuss a labeling scheme of increasing importance: forest certification schemes.... Part IV, “Politicizing Consumers and Change in Politics,”... political participation has involved the relationship between citizens and their government, which in turn regulates the market. ... Jørgen Goul Andersen and Mette Tobiasen present findings from the most comprehensive survey investigation of political consumers to date. Bente Halkier’s chapter uses focus group interviews of green consumers to assess the extent to which political consumerism involves important dimensions of political participation.... Michele Micheletti’s study ... shows that women were and still are more present as political consumers.... Dietlind Stolle and Marc Hooghe’s chapter focuses more directly on the controversial issue of whether political consumerism can be seen as a successful additional tool in political life that might substitute for the lack of traditional political involvements. ...}, keywords = {Edited books, Human Rights}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {book} } Close This volume examines closely the roots and contemporary forms of the phenomenon of political consumerism. The United Nations, Amnesty International, and other international governmental and nongovernmental organizations claim openly that they must rely on market actors to accomplish their goals. … In recent decades, consumers’ product choice has been increasingly influenced by a growing concern for transnational and global issues of justice, care for the dnvironment, and human rights. Global movements and networks help mobilize consumers to make political and ethical purchases. … Part I, entitled “Making Money Morally,” concerns why it may appear controversial to call upon market actors to act in a morally responsible way. …political consumerism challenges the traditional division of private interest pursued by private actors in the market, and public interests pursued through political means. It crosses over this division in its attempts to compensate for ethical unfairness in a variety of ways. Yet the practices of political consumption also create new dilemmas often ignored by consumers. Andreas Føllesdal explores philosophically why we need to concern ourselves with the moral responsibility of the market in the world today….Among his concerns is the development of normative criteria for assessing the legitimacy of political consumer action in the global marketplace that aims at supplementing governmental regulation. He wonders how these citizen watchdogs can develop and maintain their credibility and integrity in the absence of global, institutionalized checks and balances. Paul Kennedy’s chapter focuses on the impact of political consumers on business. He asks what happens to business as a market actor once it adapts itself to more ethical and political concerns. .. Part II, entitled “Consumer Choices and Setting the Agenda of Politics,” focuses on three basic questions …: what is new about using the market as a site for politics, how effective is it, and does it always promote good causes? …Monroe Friedman discusses in his chapter three important criteria for evaluating consumer boycotts: their successfulness, effectiveness, and ethical quality…. Cheryl Greenberg’s chapter draws on American history .. . there is nothing inherent in political consumerism that guarantees the moral respectability of its pursued goals, and that good motives do not replace the need for strategic planning…. David Vogel’s chapter also draws on the United States. to show how outraged Americans have expressed their concern over political injustices in the marketplace. …citizens with clear political preferences can use their economic power to pressure corporations to consider ethical issues as part of their policy agenda. Part II moves from historical cases ..W. Lance Bennett’s and Jonah Peretti’s chapters make clear how the media play an important role in mobilizing support for large campaigns that criticize existing corporate practices. Bennett focuses on campaigns directed at large, globalized corporate enterprises. … Jonah Peretti’s chapter, together with Michele Micheletti, describes Peretti’s request to order a pair of customized Nike shoes with the name ”sweatshop” on them, turned him into a global celebrity… “Building Responsible Institutions in Multi-Risk Society” is the title of Part III, with the establishment of new political consumerist institutions as the central theme…. Franck Cochoy’s chapter shows how the old and established institution of standardization, .. has revamped itself into an institution for product certification that reflects consumers’ concerns…. The chapter co-authored by Andrew Jordan, Rüdiger Wurzel, Anthony R. Zito, and Lars Brückner offers a comparative assessment of the important national eco-labeling schemes now in operation in Europe. .Two important ingredients of success are consumer support and market competition. …Benjamin Cashore, Graeme Auld, and Deanna Newson discuss a labeling scheme of increasing importance: forest certification schemes…. Part IV, “Politicizing Consumers and Change in Politics,”… political participation has involved the relationship between citizens and their government, which in turn regulates the market. … Jørgen Goul Andersen and Mette Tobiasen present findings from the most comprehensive survey investigation of political consumers to date. Bente Halkier’s chapter uses focus group interviews of green consumers to assess the extent to which political consumerism involves important dimensions of political participation…. Michele Micheletti’s study … shows that women were and still are more present as political consumers…. Dietlind Stolle and Marc Hooghe’s chapter focuses more directly on the controversial issue of whether political consumerism can be seen as a successful additional tool in political life that might substitute for the lack of traditional political involvements. … Close http://www.transactionpub.com/cgi-bin/transactionpublishers.storefront/3fc742320[…] Close
114.	Micheletti, Michele; Follesdal, Andreas; Stolle, Dietlind: Introduction: The Market as a Site of Politics. In: Micheletti, Michele; Follesdal, Andreas; Stolle, Dietlind (Ed.): Politics, products and markets: Exploring political consumerism past and present, pp. ix-xxvi, Transaction Press, New Brunswick, N.J., 2004. (Type: Book Chapter \| Abstract \| Tags: Human Rights) @inbook{RN38130, title = {Introduction: The Market as a Site of Politics}, author = {Michele Micheletti and Andreas Follesdal and Dietlind Stolle}, editor = {Michele Micheletti and Andreas Follesdal and Dietlind Stolle}, year = {2004}, date = {2004-01-01}, booktitle = {Politics, products and markets: Exploring political consumerism past and present}, pages = {ix-xxvi}, publisher = {Transaction Press}, address = {New Brunswick, N.J.}, abstract = {.This volume examines closely the roots and contemporary forms of the phenomenon of political consumerism. The United Nations, Amnesty International, and other international governmental and nongovernmental organizations claim openly that they must rely on market actors to accomplish their goals. ... In recent decades, consumers’ product choice has been increasingly influenced by a growing concern for transnational and global issues of justice, care for the dnvironment, and human rights. Global movements and networks help mobilize consumers to make political and ethical purchases. ... Part I, entitled “Making Money Morally,” concerns why it may appear controversial to call upon market actors to act in a morally responsible way. ...political consumerism challenges the traditional division of private interest pursued by private actors in the market, and public interests pursued through political means. It crosses over this division in its attempts to compensate for ethical unfairness in a variety of ways. Yet the practices of political consumption also create new dilemmas often ignored by consumers. Andreas Føllesdal explores philosophically why we need to concern ourselves with the moral responsibility of the market in the world today....Among his concerns is the development of normative criteria for assessing the legitimacy of political consumer action in the global marketplace that aims at supplementing governmental regulation. He wonders how these citizen watchdogs can develop and maintain their credibility and integrity in the absence of global, institutionalized checks and balances. Paul Kennedy’s chapter focuses on the impact of political consumers on business. He asks what happens to business as a market actor once it adapts itself to more ethical and political concerns. .. Part II, entitled “Consumer Choices and Setting the Agenda of Politics,” focuses on three basic questions ...: what is new about using the market as a site for politics, how effective is it, and does it always promote good causes? ...Monroe Friedman discusses in his chapter three important criteria for evaluating consumer boycotts: their successfulness, effectiveness, and ethical quality.... Cheryl Greenberg’s chapter draws on American history .. . there is nothing inherent in political consumerism that guarantees the moral respectability of its pursued goals, and that good motives do not replace the need for strategic planning.... David Vogel’s chapter also draws on the United States. to show how outraged Americans have expressed their concern over political injustices in the marketplace. ...citizens with clear political preferences can use their economic power to pressure corporations to consider ethical issues as part of their policy agenda. Part II moves from historical cases ..W. Lance Bennett’s and Jonah Peretti’s chapters make clear how the media play an important role in mobilizing support for large campaigns that criticize existing corporate practices. Bennett focuses on campaigns directed at large, globalized corporate enterprises. ... Jonah Peretti’s chapter, together with Michele Micheletti, describes Peretti’s request to order a pair of customized Nike shoes with the name ”sweatshop” on them, turned him into a global celebrity... “Building Responsible Institutions in Multi-Risk Society” is the title of Part III, with the establishment of new political consumerist institutions as the central theme.... Franck Cochoy’s chapter shows how the old and established institution of standardization, .. has revamped itself into an institution for product certification that reflects consumers’ concerns.... The chapter co-authored by Andrew Jordan, Rüdiger Wurzel, Anthony R. Zito, and Lars Brückner offers a comparative assessment of the important national eco-labeling schemes now in operation in Europe. .Two important ingredients of success are consumer support and market competition. ...Benjamin Cashore, Graeme Auld, and Deanna Newson discuss a labeling scheme of increasing importance: forest certification schemes.... Part IV, “Politicizing Consumers and Change in Politics,”... political participation has involved the relationship between citizens and their government, which in turn regulates the market. ... Jørgen Goul Andersen and Mette Tobiasen present findings from the most comprehensive survey investigation of political consumers to date. Bente Halkier’s chapter uses focus group interviews of green consumers to assess the extent to which political consumerism involves important dimensions of political participation.... Michele Micheletti’s study ... shows that women were and still are more present as political consumers.... Dietlind Stolle and Marc Hooghe’s chapter focuses more directly on the controversial issue of whether political consumerism can be seen as a successful additional tool in political life that might substitute for the lack of traditional political involvements. ...}, keywords = {Human Rights}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } Close .This volume examines closely the roots and contemporary forms of the phenomenon of political consumerism. The United Nations, Amnesty International, and other international governmental and nongovernmental organizations claim openly that they must rely on market actors to accomplish their goals. … In recent decades, consumers’ product choice has been increasingly influenced by a growing concern for transnational and global issues of justice, care for the dnvironment, and human rights. Global movements and networks help mobilize consumers to make political and ethical purchases. … Part I, entitled “Making Money Morally,” concerns why it may appear controversial to call upon market actors to act in a morally responsible way. …political consumerism challenges the traditional division of private interest pursued by private actors in the market, and public interests pursued through political means. It crosses over this division in its attempts to compensate for ethical unfairness in a variety of ways. Yet the practices of political consumption also create new dilemmas often ignored by consumers. Andreas Føllesdal explores philosophically why we need to concern ourselves with the moral responsibility of the market in the world today….Among his concerns is the development of normative criteria for assessing the legitimacy of political consumer action in the global marketplace that aims at supplementing governmental regulation. He wonders how these citizen watchdogs can develop and maintain their credibility and integrity in the absence of global, institutionalized checks and balances. Paul Kennedy’s chapter focuses on the impact of political consumers on business. He asks what happens to business as a market actor once it adapts itself to more ethical and political concerns. .. Part II, entitled “Consumer Choices and Setting the Agenda of Politics,” focuses on three basic questions …: what is new about using the market as a site for politics, how effective is it, and does it always promote good causes? …Monroe Friedman discusses in his chapter three important criteria for evaluating consumer boycotts: their successfulness, effectiveness, and ethical quality…. Cheryl Greenberg’s chapter draws on American history .. . there is nothing inherent in political consumerism that guarantees the moral respectability of its pursued goals, and that good motives do not replace the need for strategic planning…. David Vogel’s chapter also draws on the United States. to show how outraged Americans have expressed their concern over political injustices in the marketplace. …citizens with clear political preferences can use their economic power to pressure corporations to consider ethical issues as part of their policy agenda. Part II moves from historical cases ..W. Lance Bennett’s and Jonah Peretti’s chapters make clear how the media play an important role in mobilizing support for large campaigns that criticize existing corporate practices. Bennett focuses on campaigns directed at large, globalized corporate enterprises. … Jonah Peretti’s chapter, together with Michele Micheletti, describes Peretti’s request to order a pair of customized Nike shoes with the name ”sweatshop” on them, turned him into a global celebrity… “Building Responsible Institutions in Multi-Risk Society” is the title of Part III, with the establishment of new political consumerist institutions as the central theme…. Franck Cochoy’s chapter shows how the old and established institution of standardization, .. has revamped itself into an institution for product certification that reflects consumers’ concerns…. The chapter co-authored by Andrew Jordan, Rüdiger Wurzel, Anthony R. Zito, and Lars Brückner offers a comparative assessment of the important national eco-labeling schemes now in operation in Europe. .Two important ingredients of success are consumer support and market competition. …Benjamin Cashore, Graeme Auld, and Deanna Newson discuss a labeling scheme of increasing importance: forest certification schemes…. Part IV, “Politicizing Consumers and Change in Politics,”… political participation has involved the relationship between citizens and their government, which in turn regulates the market. … Jørgen Goul Andersen and Mette Tobiasen present findings from the most comprehensive survey investigation of political consumers to date. Bente Halkier’s chapter uses focus group interviews of green consumers to assess the extent to which political consumerism involves important dimensions of political participation…. Michele Micheletti’s study … shows that women were and still are more present as political consumers…. Dietlind Stolle and Marc Hooghe’s chapter focuses more directly on the controversial issue of whether political consumerism can be seen as a successful additional tool in political life that might substitute for the lack of traditional political involvements. … Close
113.	Føllesdal, Andreas: Internasjonale forpliktelser og demokrati. In: Midgaard, Knut; Rasch, Bjørn Erik (Ed.): Demokrati – vilkår og virkninger (revidert utgave), pp. 349-374, Fagbokforlaget, Bergen, 2004. (Type: Book Chapter \| Abstract \| Links \| Tags: ) @inbook{RN41070, title = {Internasjonale forpliktelser og demokrati}, author = {Andreas Føllesdal}, editor = {Knut Midgaard and Bjørn Erik Rasch}, url = {http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-2004-intl-forpliktelser-demokrati.doc}, year = {2004}, date = {2004-01-01}, booktitle = {Demokrati - vilkår og virkninger (revidert utgave)}, pages = {349-374}, publisher = {Fagbokforlaget}, address = {Bergen}, abstract = {Demokrati-teorier må utvides ved landegrensene, både med en teori om internasjonalt demokrati og med en teori om internasjonal fordelingsrettferdighet. Artikkelen bidrar til dette, med utgangspunkt i begrunnelsene for demokratiske ordninger innenfor den liberale kontraktetiske tradisjon fra Kant, Locke og Rawls. Artikkelen avslutter med å drøfte noen konflikter som oppstår mellom kravene om lik politisk kontroll og likeverdige levekår innenfor EU, der nasjonalt selvstyre og internasjonal likhet kommer i konflikt.}, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } Close Demokrati-teorier må utvides ved landegrensene, både med en teori om internasjonalt demokrati og med en teori om internasjonal fordelingsrettferdighet. Artikkelen bidrar til dette, med utgangspunkt i begrunnelsene for demokratiske ordninger innenfor den liberale kontraktetiske tradisjon fra Kant, Locke og Rawls. Artikkelen avslutter med å drøfte noen konflikter som oppstår mellom kravene om lik politisk kontroll og likeverdige levekår innenfor EU, der nasjonalt selvstyre og internasjonal likhet kommer i konflikt. Close http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-2004-intl-forpliktelser-demokrati.doc Close
112.	Follesdal, Andreas; Micheletti, Michele; Stolle, Dietlind: Political Consumerism, Lessons and Potential: Conclusions. In: Follesdal, Andreas; Micheletti, Michele; Stolle, Dietlind (Ed.): Politics, products and markets: Exploring political consumerism past and present, pp. 289–300, Transaction Press, New Brunswick, N.J., 2004. (Type: Book Chapter \| Abstract \| Tags: Public policy, Publications) @inbook{RN38140, title = {Political Consumerism, Lessons and Potential: Conclusions}, author = {Andreas Follesdal and Michele Micheletti and Dietlind Stolle}, editor = {Andreas Follesdal and Michele Micheletti and Dietlind Stolle}, year = {2004}, date = {2004-01-01}, booktitle = {Politics, products and markets: Exploring political consumerism past and present}, pages = {289–300}, publisher = {Transaction Press}, address = {New Brunswick, N.J.}, abstract = {Consumers have used, and use, their consumer choice to vent their political frustrations and exhibit their political values. In so doing, political consumerism sets and shapes the agenda of politics. ... The study of political consumerism, as well as its interpretation as a political phenomenon, both challenge and question how we conventionally conceive of political participation in three important ways. First, political consumers focus on new targets of their political actions; second, mobilization for political consumerism blurs the public and private divide, and finally, a related consequence is that political consumerism constitutes a truly individualized form of participation. We discuss each of these challenges in turn. .... We draw three conclusions here. First, political consumerism shows how market-based, new regulatory forms (i.e., soft law) can be a constructive force in our ever more risky world, but its impact is yet to be determined. Second, political consumerism is developing into an international regime in its own right. Third, given the growing significance of political consumerism globally, and particularly the growth of its institutions, it is becoming increasingly more urgent for scholars to evaluate its legitimacy, democratic and otherwise.}, keywords = {Public policy, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } Close Consumers have used, and use, their consumer choice to vent their political frustrations and exhibit their political values. In so doing, political consumerism sets and shapes the agenda of politics. … The study of political consumerism, as well as its interpretation as a political phenomenon, both challenge and question how we conventionally conceive of political participation in three important ways. First, political consumers focus on new targets of their political actions; second, mobilization for political consumerism blurs the public and private divide, and finally, a related consequence is that political consumerism constitutes a truly individualized form of participation. We discuss each of these challenges in turn. …. We draw three conclusions here. First, political consumerism shows how market-based, new regulatory forms (i.e., soft law) can be a constructive force in our ever more risky world, but its impact is yet to be determined. Second, political consumerism is developing into an international regime in its own right. Third, given the growing significance of political consumerism globally, and particularly the growth of its institutions, it is becoming increasingly more urgent for scholars to evaluate its legitimacy, democratic and otherwise. Close
111.	Follesdal, Andreas; Dobson, Lynn: Conclusion. In: Dobson, Lynn; Follesdal, Andreas (Ed.): Political Theory and the European Constitution, pp. 175–184, Routledge, London, 2004. (Type: Book Chapter \| Links \| Tags: Democratic theory, Publications) @inbook{RN41960, title = {Conclusion}, author = {Andreas Follesdal and Lynn Dobson}, editor = {Lynn Dobson and Andreas Follesdal}, url = {https://ecommerce.tandf.co.uk/catalogue/DetailedDisplay.asp?ISBN=0415340675&ResourceCentre=SEARCH&RedirectPage=PerformSearch.asp&curpage=1}, year = {2004}, date = {2004-01-01}, booktitle = {Political Theory and the European Constitution}, pages = {175–184}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, keywords = {Democratic theory, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } Close https://ecommerce.tandf.co.uk/catalogue/DetailedDisplay.asp?ISBN=0415340675&[…] Close
110.	Follesdal, Andreas: The Special Claims of Indigenous Minorities to Corrective Justice. In: Meyer, Lukas (Ed.): Justice in Time. Responding to Historical Injustice, pp. 339–353, Nomos, Baden, 2004. (Type: Book Chapter \| Abstract \| Links \| Tags: Diversity, Public policy, Publications) @inbook{RN30000, title = {The Special Claims of Indigenous Minorities to Corrective Justice}, author = {Andreas Follesdal}, editor = {Lukas Meyer}, url = {http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-2004-indigenous-special-claims.rtf}, year = {2004}, date = {2004-01-01}, booktitle = {Justice in Time. Responding to Historical Injustice}, pages = {339–353}, publisher = {Nomos}, address = {Baden}, series = {Interdisziplinaere Studien zu Recht und Staat}, abstract = {Some hold that the indigenous are normatively justified in requesting both legal claims on material resources, and to political autonomy aimed at maintaining their own ways of life. The indigenous have more extensive claims in these regards than citizens generally, and than do other identifiable groups who have long historic ties with the territory, and a distinctive culture compared to other citizens – often called ‘national minorities’ . The paper defends these claims, based on the indigenous ancestors’ historic control over territories later forcefully incorporated into a state, combined with the impact of their ancestors’ culture on present practices and expectations. Past injustice affects the claims of present members to arrangement of political decision-making over the territory and to substantive benefits. History matters, then, for whether the normative claims hold.}, keywords = {Diversity, Public policy, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } Close Some hold that the indigenous are normatively justified in requesting both legal claims on material resources, and to political autonomy aimed at maintaining their own ways of life. The indigenous have more extensive claims in these regards than citizens generally, and than do other identifiable groups who have long historic ties with the territory, and a distinctive culture compared to other citizens – often called ‘national minorities’ . The paper defends these claims, based on the indigenous ancestors’ historic control over territories later forcefully incorporated into a state, combined with the impact of their ancestors’ culture on present practices and expectations. Past injustice affects the claims of present members to arrangement of political decision-making over the territory and to substantive benefits. History matters, then, for whether the normative claims hold. Close http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-2004-indigenous-special-claims.rtf Close
109.	Follesdal, Andreas: Political consumerism as chance and challenge. In: Micheletti, Michele; Follesdal, Andreas; Stolle, Dietlind (Ed.): Politics, products and markets: Exploring political consumerism past and present, pp. 3–20, Transaction Press, New Brunswick, N.J., 2004. (Type: Book Chapter \| Abstract \| Links \| Tags: Public policy, Publications) @inbook{RN35230, title = {Political consumerism as chance and challenge}, author = {Andreas Follesdal}, editor = {Michele Micheletti and Andreas Follesdal and Dietlind Stolle}, url = {http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-2004-pol-consumerism-chance-challenge.pdf}, year = {2004}, date = {2004-01-01}, booktitle = {Politics, products and markets: Exploring political consumerism past and present}, pages = {3–20}, publisher = {Transaction Press}, address = {New Brunswick, N.J.}, abstract = {Political consumerism, the deliberate use of purchasing power to change business practices, takes on particular normative importance under conditions of economic globalisation. Globalisation shifts the capabilities of business, governments and civil society, forcing us to reconsider the traditional distribution of responsibilities. Several issues are raised when discussing the legitimate modes of governance exercised by consumers in the global marketplace in the form of consumer action aimed at supplementing governmental regulations. Important challenges include the need to bolster credibility and integrity of the watchdogs in the absence of institutionalised checks and balances. "Who guards the guardians?" remains a central concern.}, keywords = {Public policy, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } Close Political consumerism, the deliberate use of purchasing power to change business practices, takes on particular normative importance under conditions of economic globalisation. Globalisation shifts the capabilities of business, governments and civil society, forcing us to reconsider the traditional distribution of responsibilities. Several issues are raised when discussing the legitimate modes of governance exercised by consumers in the global marketplace in the form of consumer action aimed at supplementing governmental regulations. Important challenges include the need to bolster credibility and integrity of the watchdogs in the absence of institutionalised checks and balances. “Who guards the guardians?” remains a central concern. Close http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-2004-pol-consumerism-chance-challenge.pdf Close
108.	Follesdal, Andreas: The philosopher as coach: Expertise and expectations of ethics consultants. In: Kurz-Milcke, Elke; Gerd, Gigerenzer (Ed.): Experts in science and society, pp. 181-200, Kluwer, New York, 2004. (Type: Book Chapter \| Links \| Tags: Consultancy, Public policy, Publications) @inbook{RN24020, title = {The philosopher as coach: Expertise and expectations of ethics consultants}, author = {Andreas Follesdal}, editor = {Elke Kurz-Milcke and Gigerenzer Gerd}, url = {http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-2004-coach.pdf}, year = {2004}, date = {2004-01-01}, booktitle = {Experts in science and society}, pages = {181-200}, publisher = {Kluwer}, address = {New York}, keywords = {Consultancy, Public policy, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } Close http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-2004-coach.pdf Close
107.	Follesdal, Andreas: Liberal Contractualism – Partial and Particularist, Impartial and Cosmopolitan. In: Caney, Simon; Lehning, Percy (Ed.): International Distributive Justice: Cosmopolitanism and its Critics, Routledge, London, 2004, ISBN: 978-0-415-23441-2. (Type: Book Chapter \| Abstract \| Links \| Tags: John Rawls) @inbook{RN26140, title = {Liberal Contractualism - Partial and Particularist, Impartial and Cosmopolitan}, author = {Andreas Follesdal}, editor = {Simon Caney and Percy Lehning}, url = {http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-2010-contractualism-partiality.rtf}, isbn = {978-0-415-23441-2}, year = {2004}, date = {2004-01-01}, booktitle = {International Distributive Justice: Cosmopolitanism and its Critics}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, abstract = {Several authors have explored or defended moderate nationalism, characterised by limited partiality for fellow nationals or fellow citizens, and loyalty to the laws and institutions of one's own society. Critics have argued that such loyalties are incompatible with 'cosmopolitan' universalist liberalism, on at least two grounds. The article seeks to rebut these objections from a liberal contractualist position similar to that of Rawls, Dworkin and Scanlon. Liberal theories are thought to disallow deviations from impartial treatment and therefore rule out substantive special claims among compatriots. The scope for contractualist partiality is the subject of section 2. Liberal theories are also considered unable to account for political duties -- the duty to comply with the just laws and institutions of one's own state. The contractualist grounds for political allegiance are addressed in section 3. This is not to say that liberal contractualism endorses nationalism understood as a principle of political order, that political and cultural/ethnic boundaries should coincide. A brief sketch of some elements of Liberal Contractualism is presented in section 1.}, keywords = {John Rawls}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } Close Several authors have explored or defended moderate nationalism, characterised by limited partiality for fellow nationals or fellow citizens, and loyalty to the laws and institutions of one’s own society. Critics have argued that such loyalties are incompatible with ‘cosmopolitan’ universalist liberalism, on at least two grounds. The article seeks to rebut these objections from a liberal contractualist position similar to that of Rawls, Dworkin and Scanlon. Liberal theories are thought to disallow deviations from impartial treatment and therefore rule out substantive special claims among compatriots. The scope for contractualist partiality is the subject of section 2. Liberal theories are also considered unable to account for political duties — the duty to comply with the just laws and institutions of one’s own state. The contractualist grounds for political allegiance are addressed in section 3. This is not to say that liberal contractualism endorses nationalism understood as a principle of political order, that political and cultural/ethnic boundaries should coincide. A brief sketch of some elements of Liberal Contractualism is presented in section 1. Close http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-2010-contractualism-partiality.rtf Close
106.	Follesdal, Andreas: Do multicultural policies erode trust in redistributive programs? Questions for Miller and Soroka, Johnston & Banting. In: Parijs, Philippe Van (Ed.): Cultural diversity versus economic solidarity, vol. Francqui Scientific Library, Debouck Universite, Brussels, 2004. (Type: Book Chapter \| Links \| Tags: Federalism, Public policy, Publications) @inbook{RN40440, title = {Do multicultural policies erode trust in redistributive programs? Questions for Miller and Soroka, Johnston & Banting}, author = {Andreas Follesdal}, editor = {Philippe Van Parijs}, url = {http://www.etes.ucl.ac.be/Francqui/Livre/4.Follesdal.pdf http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-2004-Francquiprize.rtf}, year = {2004}, date = {2004-01-01}, booktitle = {Cultural diversity versus economic solidarity}, volume = {Francqui Scientific Library}, publisher = {Debouck Universite}, address = {Brussels}, keywords = {Federalism, Public policy, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } Close http://www.etes.ucl.ac.be/Francqui/Livre/4.Follesdal.pdf http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-2004-Francquiprize.rtf Close
105.	Follesdal, Andreas: Corporate Social Responsibility for Human Rights as Chance and Challenge: Fragments of a Political Theory. 2004. (Type: Unpublished \| Tags: Human Rights, Publications, SRI – Socially responsible investing) @unpublished{RN35150, title = {Corporate Social Responsibility for Human Rights as Chance and Challenge: Fragments of a Political Theory}, author = {Andreas Follesdal}, year = {2004}, date = {2004-01-01}, booktitle = {Human Rights Yearbook}, publisher = {Kluwer}, address = {Copenhagen}, keywords = {Human Rights, Publications, SRI - Socially responsible investing}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {unpublished} } Close
104.	Follesdal, Andreas: Achieving Stability: Balance in the Draft Constitutional Treaty. In: Harvard International Review, vol. 26, no. 3, pp. 62–67, 2004. (Type: Journal Article \| Links \| Tags: Federalism, Publications) @article{RN40720, title = {Achieving Stability: Balance in the Draft Constitutional Treaty}, author = {Andreas Follesdal}, url = {http://hir.harvard.edu/articles/index.html?id=1266}, year = {2004}, date = {2004-01-01}, journal = {Harvard International Review}, volume = {26}, number = {3}, pages = {62–67}, keywords = {Federalism, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Close http://hir.harvard.edu/articles/index.html?id=1266 Close
103.	Follesdal, Andreas: Achieving Balance? Forms and Arenas of Institutional and National Balances in the Draft Constitutional Treaty. In: no. 2004, 2004. (Type: Journal Article \| Abstract \| Links \| Tags: Federalism, Publications, Subsidiarity) @article{RN40490, title = {Achieving Balance? Forms and Arenas of Institutional and National Balances in the Draft Constitutional Treaty}, author = {Andreas Follesdal}, url = {http://fedtrust.co.uk/uploads/constitution/06_04.pdf}, year = {2004}, date = {2004-01-01}, number = {2004}, abstract = {The Draft Constitutional Treaty furthers important forms of stable balance, between the Member States and the Union institutions, among the Union institutions, and among Member States within the Union institutions. The challenge of creeping centralisation typical of federations could have been addressed even more fully by broadening the competence of national parliaments to appeal Union applications of the principle of subsidiarity. Effectiveness and efficiency can only be determined on the basis of specified objectives - which include complex mixes of legitimate ‘European’ and ‘national’ interests. Member States blocking unwarranted centralising decisions is thus not a case of ineffectiveness per se. The DCT changes the balance among Union institutions, It remains unclear how this balance is to be assessed, especially because Member States may legitimately pursue other objectives than the common European interest, and this may lead the Member State government to prefer other candidates than those favoured by the European Parliament. The ambiguity concerning the Draft’s reference to the European interest thus has implications for assessing this shift in balance. Interpreting the European political order as a federal system entails that the ‘national interests’ can not legitimately be dismissed as unbecoming a ‘post-national’ political order. Member State necessary for the long term support for a multi-level or federal political order, and for authorities’ ability to govern. The Draft Constitutional Treaty improves on the Nice Treaty in many regards. In particular, it goes some way toward creating a federal European political order that is more likely to facilitate trust and trustworthiness among Europeans. Importantly, such a revised European political order may also merit such increased trust.}, keywords = {Federalism, Publications, Subsidiarity}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Close The Draft Constitutional Treaty furthers important forms of stable balance, between the Member States and the Union institutions, among the Union institutions, and among Member States within the Union institutions. The challenge of creeping centralisation typical of federations could have been addressed even more fully by broadening the competence of national parliaments to appeal Union applications of the principle of subsidiarity. Effectiveness and efficiency can only be determined on the basis of specified objectives – which include complex mixes of legitimate ‘European’ and ‘national’ interests. Member States blocking unwarranted centralising decisions is thus not a case of ineffectiveness per se. The DCT changes the balance among Union institutions, It remains unclear how this balance is to be assessed, especially because Member States may legitimately pursue other objectives than the common European interest, and this may lead the Member State government to prefer other candidates than those favoured by the European Parliament. The ambiguity concerning the Draft’s reference to the European interest thus has implications for assessing this shift in balance. Interpreting the European political order as a federal system entails that the ‘national interests’ can not legitimately be dismissed as unbecoming a ‘post-national’ political order. Member State necessary for the long term support for a multi-level or federal political order, and for authorities’ ability to govern. The Draft Constitutional Treaty improves on the Nice Treaty in many regards. In particular, it goes some way toward creating a federal European political order that is more likely to facilitate trust and trustworthiness among Europeans. Importantly, such a revised European political order may also merit such increased trust. Close http://fedtrust.co.uk/uploads/constitution/06_04.pdf Close
102.	Dobson, Lynn; Follesdal, Andreas: Political Theory and the European Constitution. Routledge, London, 2004. (Type: Book \| Abstract \| Links \| Tags: Edited books, EU – European Union, Publications) @book{RN40220, title = {Political Theory and the European Constitution}, author = {Lynn Dobson and Andreas Follesdal}, url = {http://folk.uio.no/andreasf/Ms/Dobson-Follesdal-2004-Statement.htm}, year = {2004}, date = {2004-01-01}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, abstract = {In June 2003, the Convention on the Future of Europe released what may become the Constitution of the European Union. This highly timely volume provides one of the first critical assessments of the draft Constitution from the vantage point of political theory. The work combines detailed institutional analysis with normative political theory, bringing theoretical analysis to bear on the pressing issues of institutional design answered - or bypassed - by the draft Constitution.}, keywords = {Edited books, EU - European Union, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {book} } Close In June 2003, the Convention on the Future of Europe released what may become the Constitution of the European Union. This highly timely volume provides one of the first critical assessments of the draft Constitution from the vantage point of political theory. The work combines detailed institutional analysis with normative political theory, bringing theoretical analysis to bear on the pressing issues of institutional design answered – or bypassed – by the draft Constitution. Close http://folk.uio.no/andreasf/Ms/Dobson-Follesdal-2004-Statement.htm Close
101.	Dobson, Lynn; Follesdal, Andreas: Introduction. In: Dobson, Lynn; Follesdal, Andreas (Ed.): Political Theory and the European Constitution, Routledge, London, 2004. (Type: Book Chapter \| Abstract \| Links \| Tags: Democratic theory, EU – European Union, Federalism, Publications, Subsidiarity) @inbook{RN40400, title = {Introduction}, author = {Lynn Dobson and Andreas Follesdal}, editor = {Lynn Dobson and Andreas Follesdal}, url = {https://ecommerce.tandf.co.uk/catalogue/DetailedDisplay.asp?ISBN=0415340675&ResourceCentre=SEARCH&RedirectPage=PerformSearch.asp&curpage=1}, year = {2004}, date = {2004-01-01}, booktitle = {Political Theory and the European Constitution}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, abstract = {The EU poses at least two challenges to a traditional conception of sovereignty .... First, the EU involves multiple territorial levels of decision-making, reminiscent and perhaps prescient - of federal political orders of a kind known as ‘coming together federations’ ... Secondly, EU institutions often include private actors in public decision-making in order to increase responsiveness and proximity to affected parties. ... we grapple with the major philosophical questions: what kind of polity? And with what moral right, if any, do European politicians now rule, and claim citizens’ compliance? .. We explore topics already well established in the EU literature: subsidiarity, diversity, democratic and legitimacy deficits, and institutional balances of power. · Constitutionalism: should the Union have a Constitution? If so what should it contain? How was the draft text arrived at and what does that process tell us? · European values: are there any common values, and, if so, what are they? How might they co-exist with particular (e.g. national) values? In particular, should religious heritage(s) be mentioned in the Constitution? · Liberty and power(s): different actors, ideologies, and states pursue different forms of liberty, with resulting theoretical and political tensions - between sovereignty as freedom to act, and immunity understood as non-domination; and differing imperatives for centre, large states, and small states; for majorities and minorities. · Common or European interest: lofty sentiments regarding common European objectives are often muddled or conflated, different actors intending quite different things. What clarifications of the different senses of these terms can we offer? These essays contribute towards a systematic understanding of the sometimes profound differences in conceptions of what legitimacy requires, and what political power is for, in the European Union.}, keywords = {Democratic theory, EU - European Union, Federalism, Publications, Subsidiarity}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } Close The EU poses at least two challenges to a traditional conception of sovereignty …. First, the EU involves multiple territorial levels of decision-making, reminiscent and perhaps prescient – of federal political orders of a kind known as ‘coming together federations’ … Secondly, EU institutions often include private actors in public decision-making in order to increase responsiveness and proximity to affected parties. … we grapple with the major philosophical questions: what kind of polity? And with what moral right, if any, do European politicians now rule, and claim citizens’ compliance? .. We explore topics already well established in the EU literature: subsidiarity, diversity, democratic and legitimacy deficits, and institutional balances of power. · Constitutionalism: should the Union have a Constitution? If so what should it contain? How was the draft text arrived at and what does that process tell us? · European values: are there any common values, and, if so, what are they? How might they co-exist with particular (e.g. national) values? In particular, should religious heritage(s) be mentioned in the Constitution? · Liberty and power(s): different actors, ideologies, and states pursue different forms of liberty, with resulting theoretical and political tensions – between sovereignty as freedom to act, and immunity understood as non-domination; and differing imperatives for centre, large states, and small states; for majorities and minorities. · Common or European interest: lofty sentiments regarding common European objectives are often muddled or conflated, different actors intending quite different things. What clarifications of the different senses of these terms can we offer? These essays contribute towards a systematic understanding of the sometimes profound differences in conceptions of what legitimacy requires, and what political power is for, in the European Union. Close https://ecommerce.tandf.co.uk/catalogue/DetailedDisplay.asp?ISBN=0415340675&[…] Close
100.	Christiansen, Thomas; Follesdal, Andreas; Piattoni, Simona: Informal Governance in the European Union: An Introduction. In: Christiansen, Thomas; Piattoni, Simona (Ed.): Informal governance in the European Union, pp. 1-21, Edward Elgar, Cheltenham, UK, 2004. (Type: Book Chapter \| Abstract \| Links \| Tags: EU – European Union, Publications) @inbook{RN38150, title = {Informal Governance in the European Union: An Introduction}, author = {Thomas Christiansen and Andreas Follesdal and Simona Piattoni}, editor = {Thomas Christiansen and Simona Piattoni}, url = {Christiansen-Follesdal-Piattoni-2004-intro-informalgov.rtf}, year = {2004}, date = {2004-01-01}, booktitle = {Informal governance in the European Union}, pages = {1-21}, publisher = {Edward Elgar}, address = {Cheltenham, UK}, abstract = {..an important undercurrent to the formal integration process. This concerns the operation of informal networks which link policy-makers to client groups as well as actors across EU, national and sub-national institutions, and influence (or at least seek to influence) decision-making in the EU. ... Observers have pointed to the potentially self-defeating competition between rival interest groups to gain access to, and be heard by, the Commission official(s) in charge of their ‘dossier’ ... one may criticise the very closeness (or cosiness?) of the relationship between policy-makers and interest groups as a violation of the principles of representative democracy, such as one-person-one-vote and political equality. In terms of this critique, the precise nature of the relationship between Commission officials and interest groups then takes centre stage.... This volume provides a systematic examination of the informal aspects of EU governance which are either in the margins of traditional analyses or ignored altogether. Building on the insights developed above, we consider informal governance as the operation of networks of individual and collective, public and private actors pursuing common goals which lead to cooperation, patterned relations and public decisions - through regular though non-codified and not publicly sanctioned exchanges in the institutional context of the European Union. ... In sum, informal governance must strike a balance between transparency and opaqueness, democracy and aristocracy, inclusiveness and selectiveness. Governance fails to spell out how a balance is drawn, how it is reached, and why it should be respected by citizens as legitimate and authoritative. Because of its practically expeditious, yet normatively dubious, nature, governance has more than family resemblance with several political phenomena of long standing in Europe: pluralism and neo-corporatism as mentioned above, and clientelism addressed below Drawing in part on normative analysis of pluralism, neo-corporatism and clientelism, we can identify several issues that are problematic with regards to the legitimacy of informal governance:...Authority.... Participation ...Assurance ... ... a system relying as heavily on informal governance as does the European Union will not only find it difficult to gain the legitimacy of a wider public expecting democratic accountability from formal institutions. ...}, keywords = {EU - European Union, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } Close ..an important undercurrent to the formal integration process. This concerns the operation of informal networks which link policy-makers to client groups as well as actors across EU, national and sub-national institutions, and influence (or at least seek to influence) decision-making in the EU. … Observers have pointed to the potentially self-defeating competition between rival interest groups to gain access to, and be heard by, the Commission official(s) in charge of their ‘dossier’ … one may criticise the very closeness (or cosiness?) of the relationship between policy-makers and interest groups as a violation of the principles of representative democracy, such as one-person-one-vote and political equality. In terms of this critique, the precise nature of the relationship between Commission officials and interest groups then takes centre stage…. This volume provides a systematic examination of the informal aspects of EU governance which are either in the margins of traditional analyses or ignored altogether. Building on the insights developed above, we consider informal governance as the operation of networks of individual and collective, public and private actors pursuing common goals which lead to cooperation, patterned relations and public decisions – through regular though non-codified and not publicly sanctioned exchanges in the institutional context of the European Union. … In sum, informal governance must strike a balance between transparency and opaqueness, democracy and aristocracy, inclusiveness and selectiveness. Governance fails to spell out how a balance is drawn, how it is reached, and why it should be respected by citizens as legitimate and authoritative. Because of its practically expeditious, yet normatively dubious, nature, governance has more than family resemblance with several political phenomena of long standing in Europe: pluralism and neo-corporatism as mentioned above, and clientelism addressed below Drawing in part on normative analysis of pluralism, neo-corporatism and clientelism, we can identify several issues that are problematic with regards to the legitimacy of informal governance:…Authority…. Participation …Assurance … … a system relying as heavily on informal governance as does the European Union will not only find it difficult to gain the legitimacy of a wider public expecting democratic accountability from formal institutions. … Close Christiansen-Follesdal-Piattoni-2004-intro-informalgov.rtf Close
99.	Follesdal, Andreas: Federal Inequality among Equals: A Contractualist defense. In: Metaphilosophy, pp. 236-255, 2003, (ARENA 01/21 Notes: Føderale ordninger innebærer ofte en spenning mellom idealer om likhet og politisk selvstyre, siden individer i ulike deler ofte har forskjellig levestandard. Slik føderal ulikhet kan synes uforenelig med likhetsorienterte kosmopolitiske teorier. Artikkelen argumenterer mot dette, så lenge ulikhetene ikke forårsaker fattigdom, avmakt eller urimelige prosedyrer. Call Number: (A)). (Type: Journal Article \| Abstract \| Links \| Tags: Federalism) @article{RN26700, title = {Federal Inequality among Equals: A Contractualist defense}, author = {Andreas Follesdal}, url = {http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-2001-fed-inequality.rtf}, doi = {10.1111/1467-9973.00184}, year = {2003}, date = {2003-01-01}, journal = {Metaphilosophy}, pages = {236-255}, abstract = {Federal political orders often exhibit a conflict between the ideals of equality and political autonomy, since individuals in different sub-units often enjoy systematically different standards of living conditions. While federal arrangements may be theoretically attractive to avoid despotism, such federal inequality would appear to conflict with the principles of egalitarian cosmopolitans. The paper argues that individuals' interest in equal shares of income and wealth may be legitimately weighed against their interest in political control enjoyed by their sub-unit, as long as the inequalities do not engender misery, domination or unfair procedures. The reasons for sub-unit autonomy include reducing the risk of domination, increasing the responsiveness to local preferences, and reducing the burdens of decision-making. These arguments also suggest that states may not always be the appropriate sub-units in legitimate federal orders.}, note = {ARENA 01/21 Notes: Føderale ordninger innebærer ofte en spenning mellom idealer om likhet og politisk selvstyre, siden individer i ulike deler ofte har forskjellig levestandard. Slik føderal ulikhet kan synes uforenelig med likhetsorienterte kosmopolitiske teorier. Artikkelen argumenterer mot dette, så lenge ulikhetene ikke forårsaker fattigdom, avmakt eller urimelige prosedyrer. Call Number: (A)}, keywords = {Federalism}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Close Federal political orders often exhibit a conflict between the ideals of equality and political autonomy, since individuals in different sub-units often enjoy systematically different standards of living conditions. While federal arrangements may be theoretically attractive to avoid despotism, such federal inequality would appear to conflict with the principles of egalitarian cosmopolitans. The paper argues that individuals’ interest in equal shares of income and wealth may be legitimately weighed against their interest in political control enjoyed by their sub-unit, as long as the inequalities do not engender misery, domination or unfair procedures. The reasons for sub-unit autonomy include reducing the risk of domination, increasing the responsiveness to local preferences, and reducing the burdens of decision-making. These arguments also suggest that states may not always be the appropriate sub-units in legitimate federal orders. Close http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-2001-fed-inequality.rtf doi:10.1111/1467-9973.00184 Close
98.	Føllesdal, Andreas: Om John Rawls’ teori om rettferdighet som rimelighet. In: Kelly, (Ed.): John Rawls: Rettferdighet som rimelighet, pp. 11-36, Pax, Oslo, 2003, (Author, Subsidiary: Kelly (ed.) Erin; Swensen (transl.) Kai). (Type: Book Chapter \| Tags: John Rawls) @inbook{RN31010, title = {Om John Rawls' teori om rettferdighet som rimelighet}, author = {Andreas Føllesdal}, editor = {Kelly}, year = {2003}, date = {2003-01-01}, booktitle = {John Rawls: Rettferdighet som rimelighet}, pages = {11-36}, publisher = {Pax}, address = {Oslo}, note = {Author, Subsidiary: Kelly (ed.) Erin; Swensen (transl.) Kai}, keywords = {John Rawls}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } Close
97.	Føllesdal, Andreas: Innledning. In: transl Swensen, Kai (Ed.): John Rawls: Rettferdighet som rimelighet (Justice as Fairness), Pax, Oslo, 2003. (Type: Book Chapter \| Abstract \| Tags: John Rawls) @inbook{RN34300, title = {Innledning}, author = {Andreas Føllesdal}, editor = {Kai transl Swensen}, year = {2003}, date = {2003-01-01}, booktitle = {John Rawls: Rettferdighet som rimelighet (Justice as Fairness)}, publisher = {Pax}, address = {Oslo}, abstract = {Når har innbyggere moralsk plikt til å adlyde myndighetene og slutte opp om samfunnsinstitusjonene? Dette spørsmålet står sentralt i politisk filosofi. Et av det 20. århundrets viktigste svar var John Rawls' teori om rettferdighet, "Rettferdighet som rimelighet", i boken A Theory of Justice som kom i 1971. I 2001 kom en forbedret og kortere fremstilling av Rawls’ teori, i boken Justice as Fairness som Rawls skrev med redaksjonell støtte fra Erin Kelly, en av hans tidligere studenter. Det er denne oppdaterte presentasjonen som nå foreligger på norsk, svært dyktig oversatt av Kai Swensen, og med støtte fra Norges forskningsråds Verdinett.}, keywords = {John Rawls}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } Close Når har innbyggere moralsk plikt til å adlyde myndighetene og slutte opp om samfunnsinstitusjonene? Dette spørsmålet står sentralt i politisk filosofi. Et av det 20. århundrets viktigste svar var John Rawls’ teori om rettferdighet, “Rettferdighet som rimelighet”, i boken A Theory of Justice som kom i 1971. I 2001 kom en forbedret og kortere fremstilling av Rawls’ teori, i boken Justice as Fairness som Rawls skrev med redaksjonell støtte fra Erin Kelly, en av hans tidligere studenter. Det er denne oppdaterte presentasjonen som nå foreligger på norsk, svært dyktig oversatt av Kai Swensen, og med støtte fra Norges forskningsråds Verdinett. Close
96.	Føllesdal, Andreas: Er normativ politisk teori død i Norden? Diagnose og prognose. In: Distinktion, no. 7, pp. 129–138, 2003. (Type: Journal Article \| Abstract \| Tags: Democratic theory, Publications) @article{RN35080, title = {Er normativ politisk teori død i Norden? Diagnose og prognose}, author = {Andreas Føllesdal}, year = {2003}, date = {2003-01-01}, journal = {Distinktion}, number = {7}, pages = {129–138}, abstract = {Is normative political theory dead in the Nordic countries? Diagnosis and prognosis. There are at least three reasons to expect little attention to normative political philosophy in the Nordic countries. Politically, they have been egalitarian social democratic welfare states; culturally, the citizenry has regarded themselves as homogenous; and Scandinavian Legal Realism dismissed the possibility of normative arguments about values. The article points to some weaknesses of traditional Scandinavian Legal Realism, and argues that Europeanisation serves to diminish the impact of all three factors. Sammenfatning Det er minst tre grunner til at man kunne forvente lite oppmerksomhet om normativ politisk filosofi i de nordiske land: Politisk har de vært egalitære sosialdemokratiske velferdsstatsregimer; kulturelt har de hatt en selvforståelse som homogene; og den skandinaviske rettsrealismen hemmet systematisk forskning om begrunnelse av normer og verdier. Artikkelen peker på noen svakheter ved rettsrealismen, og argumenterer for at alle disse tre faktorene står for fall, ikke minst på grunn}, keywords = {Democratic theory, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Close Is normative political theory dead in the Nordic countries? Diagnosis and prognosis. There are at least three reasons to expect little attention to normative political philosophy in the Nordic countries. Politically, they have been egalitarian social democratic welfare states; culturally, the citizenry has regarded themselves as homogenous; and Scandinavian Legal Realism dismissed the possibility of normative arguments about values. The article points to some weaknesses of traditional Scandinavian Legal Realism, and argues that Europeanisation serves to diminish the impact of all three factors. Sammenfatning Det er minst tre grunner til at man kunne forvente lite oppmerksomhet om normativ politisk filosofi i de nordiske land: Politisk har de vært egalitære sosialdemokratiske velferdsstatsregimer; kulturelt har de hatt en selvforståelse som homogene; og den skandinaviske rettsrealismen hemmet systematisk forskning om begrunnelse av normer og verdier. Artikkelen peker på noen svakheter ved rettsrealismen, og argumenterer for at alle disse tre faktorene står for fall, ikke minst på grunn Close
95.	Føllesdal, Andreas: Bør prioritering av helsetiltak baseres på pliktetikk eller nytteetikk?. In: Tidsskrift for den norske lægeforening, vol. 123, no. 20, pp. 2897–8, 2003. (Type: Journal Article \| Abstract \| Links \| Tags: Public policy, Publications) @article{RN39650, title = {Bør prioritering av helsetiltak baseres på pliktetikk eller nytteetikk?}, author = {Andreas Føllesdal}, url = {http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-2003-helseprioritering.rtf http://www.tidsskriftet.no/index.php?seks_id=903800}, year = {2003}, date = {2003-01-01}, journal = {Tidsskrift for den norske lægeforening}, volume = {123}, number = {20}, pages = {2897–8}, abstract = {Mye står på spill i beslutninger om dimensjoneringen av behandlingstilbudet i helsevesenet - det som ofte drøftes under benevnelsen førsteordensprioritering (1, 2). Virksomme behandlingsmuligheter kan sprenge ethvert realistisk helsebudsjett selv når unødvendige utgifter unngås. Derfor medfører dimensjoneringsbeslutningene et valg mellom pasientene: hvem skal få dårligere helse eller tidligere død? Helsepersonell må ha personlig styrke og en profesjonsetikk som lar dem leve med slik kunnskap. Og beslutningstakerne må ha gjennomtenkte og forsvarlige normer for prioriteringene, ut fra velbegrunnede verdivalg og normative grunnsyn. En viktig oppgave er å avklare om nytteetikk eller pliktetikk best uttrykker våre reflekterte og reviderte oppfatninger om disse harde prioriteringene. Skillet mellom nytteetikk og pliktetikk kan illustreres og vurderes med to eksempler. Maksimering av kvalitetsjusterte leveår QALY (quality adjusted life years) - finnes i en utbredt og omstridt variant av nytteetisk kostnad-nytte-analyse. ’Kostnad-verdi-analyse’ er et interessant og omstridt alternativ. Gode grunner taler for et pliktetisk grunnsyn. Samtidig kan vi se hvordan prioriteringer er gjennomsyret av verdivalg, hvordan man kan argumentere om en forsvarlig praksis, og hvilke viktige bidrag helseøkonomien kan gi.}, keywords = {Public policy, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Close Mye står på spill i beslutninger om dimensjoneringen av behandlingstilbudet i helsevesenet – det som ofte drøftes under benevnelsen førsteordensprioritering (1, 2). Virksomme behandlingsmuligheter kan sprenge ethvert realistisk helsebudsjett selv når unødvendige utgifter unngås. Derfor medfører dimensjoneringsbeslutningene et valg mellom pasientene: hvem skal få dårligere helse eller tidligere død? Helsepersonell må ha personlig styrke og en profesjonsetikk som lar dem leve med slik kunnskap. Og beslutningstakerne må ha gjennomtenkte og forsvarlige normer for prioriteringene, ut fra velbegrunnede verdivalg og normative grunnsyn. En viktig oppgave er å avklare om nytteetikk eller pliktetikk best uttrykker våre reflekterte og reviderte oppfatninger om disse harde prioriteringene. Skillet mellom nytteetikk og pliktetikk kan illustreres og vurderes med to eksempler. Maksimering av kvalitetsjusterte leveår QALY (quality adjusted life years) – finnes i en utbredt og omstridt variant av nytteetisk kostnad-nytte-analyse. ’Kostnad-verdi-analyse’ er et interessant og omstridt alternativ. Gode grunner taler for et pliktetisk grunnsyn. Samtidig kan vi se hvordan prioriteringer er gjennomsyret av verdivalg, hvordan man kan argumentere om en forsvarlig praksis, og hvilke viktige bidrag helseøkonomien kan gi. Close http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-2003-helseprioritering.rtf http://www.tidsskri[…] Close
94.	Follesdal, Andreas: The Political Theory of the White Paper on Governance: Hidden and Fascinating. In: European Public Law, vol. 9, no. 1, pp. 73–86, 2003. (Type: Journal Article \| Abstract \| Links \| Tags: Public policy, Publications) @article{RN32670, title = {The Political Theory of the White Paper on Governance: Hidden and Fascinating}, author = {Andreas Follesdal}, url = {http://www.kluwerlawonline.com/document.php?id=EURO2003006}, year = {2003}, date = {2003-01-01}, journal = {European Public Law}, volume = {9}, number = {1}, pages = {73–86}, abstract = {A striking feature of the White Paper is that the proposals are proclaimed without much attention to the complex weighing of alternatives premises and policy proposals that surely should inform such recommendations. The implicit conceptions of power and legitimate authority are fascinating. This is most evident concerning the appropriate role of the Commission within the future European political order. The Commission should serve as a dominant optimiser within the processes of multi-level governance involving political agents at various territorial levels, and between the Commission and private actors within networks. The Commission, and it alone, can find solutions without conflict. Only among Community institutions does the White Paper foresee conflict, in which case the Commission position should dominate those of the Council. The Commission alone reliably acts in the general European interest, which should dominate all other concerns. The Commission should enjoy broad executive discretion under broad legislation, and be free from detailed scrutiny.}, keywords = {Public policy, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Close A striking feature of the White Paper is that the proposals are proclaimed without much attention to the complex weighing of alternatives premises and policy proposals that surely should inform such recommendations. The implicit conceptions of power and legitimate authority are fascinating. This is most evident concerning the appropriate role of the Commission within the future European political order. The Commission should serve as a dominant optimiser within the processes of multi-level governance involving political agents at various territorial levels, and between the Commission and private actors within networks. The Commission, and it alone, can find solutions without conflict. Only among Community institutions does the White Paper foresee conflict, in which case the Commission position should dominate those of the Council. The Commission alone reliably acts in the general European interest, which should dominate all other concerns. The Commission should enjoy broad executive discretion under broad legislation, and be free from detailed scrutiny. Close http://www.kluwerlawonline.com/document.php?id=EURO2003006 Close
93.	Føllesdal, Andreas: KRL-faget og Høyesterett: Vitneerklæring ved Human-etisk forbunds ankesak om KRL-faget i Høyesterett (The subject “Christianity and other philosophies of life” and the Supreme Court. Statement for the Humanists’s appeal to the Supreme Court). In: Mennesker og rettigheter, pp. 70-79, 2002. (Type: Journal Article \| Abstract \| Tags: Policy advice) @article{RN34400, title = {KRL-faget og Høyesterett: Vitneerklæring ved Human-etisk forbunds ankesak om KRL-faget i Høyesterett (The subject "Christianity and other philosophies of life" and the Supreme Court. Statement for the Humanists's appeal to the Supreme Court)}, author = {Andreas Føllesdal}, year = {2002}, date = {2002-01-01}, journal = {Mennesker og rettigheter}, pages = {70-79}, abstract = {Også trykket som "Kristendomskunnskap med religions- og livssynsorientering" i Pia Axell (red.) Med forskerblikk på verdier: Verdinettet - flerfaglig forskning om verdispørsmål og livskvalitet (Oslo: Norges forskningsråd 2002), 83-96.}, keywords = {Policy advice}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Close Også trykket som “Kristendomskunnskap med religions- og livssynsorientering” i Pia Axell (red.) Med forskerblikk på verdier: Verdinettet – flerfaglig forskning om verdispørsmål og livskvalitet (Oslo: Norges forskningsråd 2002), 83-96. Close
92.	Føllesdal, Andreas: John Rawls. In: Berg, Eriksen Trond (Ed.): Vestens store tenkere: fra Platon til våre dager, pp. 505-514 (414-422 i Aschehougs utgivelse), Aschehoug, Oslo, 2002. (Type: Book Chapter \| Abstract \| Tags: John Rawls) @inbook{RN32620, title = {John Rawls}, author = {Andreas Føllesdal}, editor = {Eriksen Trond Berg}, year = {2002}, date = {2002-01-01}, booktitle = {Vestens store tenkere: fra Platon til våre dager}, pages = {505-514 (414-422 i Aschehougs utgivelse)}, publisher = {Aschehoug}, address = {Oslo}, abstract = {oppdatert fra 1993-versjonen}, keywords = {John Rawls}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } Close oppdatert fra 1993-versjonen Close
91.	Follesdal, Andreas: Schools and Equality. In: Proceedings from the 26th Annual Conference of the ATTE Association for Teacher Education in Europe, pp. 29–42, 2002. (Type: Journal Article \| Links \| Tags: Public policy, Publications) @article{RN38210, title = {Schools and Equality}, author = {Andreas Follesdal}, url = {http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-2002-schools-equality.rtf http://www.lhs.se/atee/proceedings/Follesdal.doc}, year = {2002}, date = {2002-01-01}, booktitle = {Proceedings from the 26th Annual Conference of the ATTE Association for Teacher Education in Europe}, journal = {Proceedings from the 26th Annual Conference of the ATTE Association for Teacher Education in Europe}, pages = {29–42}, publisher = {Stockholm Institute of Education Press}, address = {WEB-PUBL AF FRIDA}, keywords = {Public policy, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Close http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-2002-schools-equality.rtf http://www.lhs.se/atee/proceedings/Follesdal.doc Close
90.	Follesdal, Andreas: Rawls in the Nordic Countries. In: Rawls in Europe, special issue of European Journal of Political Theory, vol. 1, no. 2, pp. 181-198, 2002. (Type: Journal Article \| Links \| Tags: John Rawls) @article{RN30430, title = {Rawls in the Nordic Countries}, author = {Andreas Follesdal}, url = {http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-2002-rawls-nordic.rtf}, doi = {10.1177/1474885102001002005}, year = {2002}, date = {2002-01-01}, journal = {Rawls in Europe, special issue of European Journal of Political Theory}, volume = {1}, number = {2}, pages = {181-198}, keywords = {John Rawls}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Close http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-2002-rawls-nordic.rtf doi:10.1177/1474885102001002005 Close
89.	Follesdal, Andreas: Drafting a European Constitution Challenges and Opportunitites. 2002. (Type: Miscellaneous \| Abstract \| Links \| Tags: EU – European Union, Publications) @misc{RN32660, title = {Drafting a European Constitution Challenges and Opportunitites}, author = {Andreas Follesdal}, url = {http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-2002-EU-constit-ecpr-2001.doc}, year = {2002}, date = {2002-01-01}, number = {2002}, publisher = {ConWEB Online - Constitutionalism Web Papers, University of Manchester School of Law. No 4}, abstract = {Whether the European Union needs a constitution is widely debated. However, much of the debate is off target: the central issue is not whether the EU should have a constitution, because for most intents and purposes it already has one. Instead, the crucial issues concern the substantial content such a constitution should have, and how to best obtain it. The current Convention on the Future of Europe is central in this process; its composition avoids some pitfalls but creates others. Section 1 identifies five tasks of a constitution; section 2 presents arguments pro et contra a written constitution for Europe. Section 3 provides a first line of response on the basis of claims that the Union already has a de facto constitution. Section 4 considers challenges for the process of constitutionalisation, and section 5 identifies some possible weaknesses of the resulting constitution. Section 6 draws some lessons, including the role of national parliaments and civil society in the Convention currently underway.}, keywords = {EU - European Union, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {misc} } Close Whether the European Union needs a constitution is widely debated. However, much of the debate is off target: the central issue is not whether the EU should have a constitution, because for most intents and purposes it already has one. Instead, the crucial issues concern the substantial content such a constitution should have, and how to best obtain it. The current Convention on the Future of Europe is central in this process; its composition avoids some pitfalls but creates others. Section 1 identifies five tasks of a constitution; section 2 presents arguments pro et contra a written constitution for Europe. Section 3 provides a first line of response on the basis of claims that the Union already has a de facto constitution. Section 4 considers challenges for the process of constitutionalisation, and section 5 identifies some possible weaknesses of the resulting constitution. Section 6 draws some lessons, including the role of national parliaments and civil society in the Convention currently underway. Close http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-2002-EU-constit-ecpr-2001.doc Close
88.	Follesdal, Andreas: Constructing a European Civic Society: Vaccination for Trust in a Fair, Multi-Level Europe. In: Studies in East European Thought, vol. 54, pp. 303-324, 2002. (Type: Journal Article \| Abstract \| Links \| Tags: EU – European Union, Publications) @article{RN32070, title = {Constructing a European Civic Society: Vaccination for Trust in a Fair, Multi-Level Europe}, author = {Andreas Follesdal}, url = {http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-2002-constr-eur.civ.rtf Proceedings of Workshop on European citizenship: beyond borders, across identities http://ftp.cordis.lu/pub/improving/docs/ser_citizen_follesdal.pdf http://www.wkap.nl/journalhome.htm/0925-9392http://www.wkap.nl/journalhome.htm/0925-9392}, doi = {http://www.wkap.nl/journalhome.htm/0925-9392http://www.wkap.nl/journalhome.htm/0925-9392}, year = {2002}, date = {2002-01-01}, journal = {Studies in East European Thought}, volume = {54}, pages = {303-324}, abstract = {Draws on Proceedings of Workshop on European citizenship: beyond borders, across identities http://ftp.cordis.lu/pub/improving/docs/ser_citizen_follesdal.pdfftp://ftp.cordis.lu/pub/improving/docs/ser_citizen_follesdal.pdf Expansion of the EU adds urgency to some issues of long standing on the agenda of reform in the European Union.The steep increase in Member States requires drastic reconfiguration of Union institutions, to ensure adequate representation and accountability while maintaining sufficient action capability. The prospect of enlargement is also one cause of the renewed attention and concern for a European identity, to be nurtured by European citizens within a European civic society. Such an identity, citizenship and society seem to be sought for as a medicine or vaccination for some illness, partly in preparation for expansion of the European Union. I seek to clarify the grounds and some desiderata of a European civic society with an eye to the eastward expansion of the Union. Central elements of these searches for a civic society, citizenship and identity are worthy of reflection: what are the symptoms, what is the diagnosis, and which vaccines are sought for and which are not? It is often not necessary to convince citizens that fundamental issues of justice and legitimate institutional design are at stake. Instead, ordinary citizens, within present Member States and in applicant states, often raise fundamental questions concerning the roles and responsibilities of the European Union, the Member States, and individual Europeans. A European civic society worthy of the name must provide opportunities to discuss and assess such issues, standards, ideals and options among citizens who thereby can come to see themselves as equal, full citizens of Europe. Such vaccinations are continually required to secure trust and eternal vigilance for a fair European Union worthy of allegiance.}, keywords = {EU - European Union, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Close Draws on Proceedings of Workshop on European citizenship: beyond borders, across identities http://ftp.cordis.lu/pub/improving/docs/ser_citizen_follesdal.pdfftp://ftp.cordis.lu/pub/improving/docs/ser_citizen_follesdal.pdf Expansion of the EU adds urgency to some issues of long standing on the agenda of reform in the European Union.The steep increase in Member States requires drastic reconfiguration of Union institutions, to ensure adequate representation and accountability while maintaining sufficient action capability. The prospect of enlargement is also one cause of the renewed attention and concern for a European identity, to be nurtured by European citizens within a European civic society. Such an identity, citizenship and society seem to be sought for as a medicine or vaccination for some illness, partly in preparation for expansion of the European Union. I seek to clarify the grounds and some desiderata of a European civic society with an eye to the eastward expansion of the Union. Central elements of these searches for a civic society, citizenship and identity are worthy of reflection: what are the symptoms, what is the diagnosis, and which vaccines are sought for and which are not? It is often not necessary to convince citizens that fundamental issues of justice and legitimate institutional design are at stake. Instead, ordinary citizens, within present Member States and in applicant states, often raise fundamental questions concerning the roles and responsibilities of the European Union, the Member States, and individual Europeans. A European civic society worthy of the name must provide opportunities to discuss and assess such issues, standards, ideals and options among citizens who thereby can come to see themselves as equal, full citizens of Europe. Such vaccinations are continually required to secure trust and eternal vigilance for a fair European Union worthy of allegiance. Close http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-2002-constr-eur.civ.rtf across identities http://ftp.cordis.lu/pub/improving/docs/ser_citizen_follesdal.[…] http://www.wkap.nl/journalhome.htm/0925-9392http://www.wkap.nl/journalhome.htm/0[…] doi:http://www.wkap.nl/journalhome.htm/0925-9392http://www.wkap.nl/journalhome.htm/0925-9392 Close
87.	Follesdal, Andreas: Citizenship: European and Global. In: Dower, Nigel; Williams, John (Ed.): Global Citizenship, pp. 71-83, Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh, 2002. (Type: Book Chapter \| Abstract \| Links \| Tags: EU – European Union, Publications) @inbook{RN29080, title = {Citizenship: European and Global}, author = {Andreas Follesdal}, editor = {Nigel Dower and John Williams}, url = {http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-2002-citizenship-global.rtf}, year = {2002}, date = {2002-01-01}, booktitle = {Global Citizenship}, pages = {71-83}, publisher = {Edinburgh University Press}, address = {Edinburgh}, abstract = {Union citizenship carries clear legal implications fostering freedom of movement and trade, and is intended to supplement, rather than to replace, national citizenship. Dual citizenship also means that the European Union must come to grips with challenges of institutionalisation and multiple loyalties. Reflection on the roles and challenges of Union citizenship may teach lessons for global citizenship. Both forms of citizenship create aspirations to a democratic political order with a scope beyond existing states, and face challenges regarding institutions and political culture aspiring to treat all affected individuals as equals. Section A provides a brief overview of the content of Union Citizenship. Section B discusses the need for trust among individuals creating and sharing European-level institutions. Section C explores how trust can be secured by Union citizenship based on shared commitments rather than on common history and broader culture. Section D draws lessons for the roles and preconditions of global citizenship.}, keywords = {EU - European Union, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } Close Union citizenship carries clear legal implications fostering freedom of movement and trade, and is intended to supplement, rather than to replace, national citizenship. Dual citizenship also means that the European Union must come to grips with challenges of institutionalisation and multiple loyalties. Reflection on the roles and challenges of Union citizenship may teach lessons for global citizenship. Both forms of citizenship create aspirations to a democratic political order with a scope beyond existing states, and face challenges regarding institutions and political culture aspiring to treat all affected individuals as equals. Section A provides a brief overview of the content of Union Citizenship. Section B discusses the need for trust among individuals creating and sharing European-level institutions. Section C explores how trust can be secured by Union citizenship based on shared commitments rather than on common history and broader culture. Section D draws lessons for the roles and preconditions of global citizenship. Close http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-2002-citizenship-global.rtf Close
86.	Føllesdal, Andreas: Teorier om global rettferdighet – hinsides Hakkebakkeskogen og naiv idealisme [- spesialnummer om global rettferdighet]. In: Norsk statsvitenskapelig tidsskrift, vol. 7, no. 2, pp. 131-147, 2001. (Type: Journal Article \| Tags: ) @article{RN23980, title = {Teorier om global rettferdighet - hinsides Hakkebakkeskogen og naiv idealisme [- spesialnummer om global rettferdighet]}, author = {Andreas Føllesdal}, year = {2001}, date = {2001-01-01}, journal = {Norsk statsvitenskapelig tidsskrift}, volume = {7}, number = {2}, pages = {131-147}, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Close
85.	Føllesdal, Andreas: Menneskerettigheter og normativ politisk teori: Premisser og paradokser. In: Mennesker og rettigheter, vol. 19, no. 1, pp. 59-65, 2001. (Type: Journal Article \| Tags: Human Rights) @article{RN29330, title = {Menneskerettigheter og normativ politisk teori: Premisser og paradokser}, author = {Andreas Føllesdal}, year = {2001}, date = {2001-01-01}, journal = {Mennesker og rettigheter}, volume = {19}, number = {1}, pages = {59-65}, keywords = {Human Rights}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Close
84.	Føllesdal, Andreas: Likeverd på anbud? Kan markedet sikre likeverd i morgendagens velferdsstat?. In: Tidsskrift for Velferdsforskning, no. 2, pp. 135-144, 2001. (Type: Journal Article \| Abstract \| Tags: ) @article{RN31200, title = {Likeverd på anbud? Kan markedet sikre likeverd i morgendagens velferdsstat?}, author = {Andreas Føllesdal}, year = {2001}, date = {2001-01-01}, journal = {Tidsskrift for Velferdsforskning}, number = {2}, pages = {135-144}, abstract = {Truer konkurranseutsetting av omsorgstjenester menneskeverdet, ved at profittmotivet får en uheldig rolle i omsorgstilbudet, eller ved å ødelegge verdien av omsorg? Profittmotivet kan få en uheldig rolle i omsorgstilbudet, og verdien av omsorg kan bli ødelagt. Disse betenkelighetene knyttet til menneskeverd må utdypes før vi kan vurdere dem. De to innvendingene bygger på viktige innsikter om at omsorg er et gode som lett ødelegges i et marked. Dette perspektivet er viktig, selv om jeg skal hevde at disse argumentene ikke er utslagsgivende mot bruk av anbud for offentlige omsorgstjenester. Likevel er slike avklaringer viktige, både om hvilke verdier som står på spill, og hvordan menneskeverdet kan sikres, når velferdsstatens ordninger bygges om.}, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Close Truer konkurranseutsetting av omsorgstjenester menneskeverdet, ved at profittmotivet får en uheldig rolle i omsorgstilbudet, eller ved å ødelegge verdien av omsorg? Profittmotivet kan få en uheldig rolle i omsorgstilbudet, og verdien av omsorg kan bli ødelagt. Disse betenkelighetene knyttet til menneskeverd må utdypes før vi kan vurdere dem. De to innvendingene bygger på viktige innsikter om at omsorg er et gode som lett ødelegges i et marked. Dette perspektivet er viktig, selv om jeg skal hevde at disse argumentene ikke er utslagsgivende mot bruk av anbud for offentlige omsorgstjenester. Likevel er slike avklaringer viktige, både om hvilke verdier som står på spill, og hvordan menneskeverdet kan sikres, når velferdsstatens ordninger bygges om. Close
83.	Føllesdal, Andreas: Hinsides Hakkebakkeskogen – Spesialnummer om global rettferdighet. 2001. (Type: Book \| Tags: Special issues) @book{RN26710, title = {Hinsides Hakkebakkeskogen - Spesialnummer om global rettferdighet}, author = {Andreas Føllesdal}, year = {2001}, date = {2001-01-01}, series = {Norsk statsvitenskapelig tidsskrift}, keywords = {Special issues}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {book} } Close
82.	Follesdal, Andreas: Union Citizenship: Unpacking the Beast of Burden. In: Law and Philosophy, vol. 20, no. 3, pp. 313–343, 2001. (Type: Journal Article \| Abstract \| Links \| Tags: Democratic theory, EU – European Union, Publications) @article{RN24090, title = {Union Citizenship: Unpacking the Beast of Burden}, author = {Andreas Follesdal}, url = {http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-2001-Union-citizenship-law-phil.rtf http://www.wkap.nl/oasis.htm/335306}, year = {2001}, date = {2001-01-01}, journal = {Law and Philosophy}, volume = {20}, number = {3}, pages = {313–343}, abstract = {The present anemic content and unclear function of Union Citizenship adds uncertainty about its proper future role and content, though it has some important implications. Sceptics fear that talk of citizenship may create problems. Union Citizenship unequivocally signals that the Member State governments, the Masters of the treaties, aspire to a political polity. Union citizenship not only creates aspirations - it also presents new challenges. In particular, with citizenship comes certain virtues and commitments to certain common ends, neither of which are readily forthcoming. The present paper addresses some of these worries, centered on the commitments required of Union citizens. Section 1 asks: if Union Citizenship is the answer, what is the question? The answer seems to be the need for mutual trust among the population and among representatives in the governing bodies of the Union. Section 2 explores the reasons why citizenship rights, particularly political rights, are appropriate for inhabitants of the Union. The need for Union Citizenship thus established, section 3 considers the need for shared commitment to secure mutual trust and hence the requisite stability of the polity. Sections 4 - 7 considers alternative theories concerning what commitments Union citizens must have. Uncritical acceptance of one's cultural community and practices is too demanding, while I argue that commitment to institutions and even to constititutional norms is insufficient to ensure stability. Liberal Contractualism holds that what is needed is also a shared conception of the proper role of individuals, member states and the Union. Reflections on the role of such conceptions also accounts for the commitment each must have to one's local norms and culture, duly pruned by considerations of justice. Section 8 concludes by sketching some of the challenges. Some supporters of Union Citizenship fail to recognize the very real dangers of implementing 'democratic' majoritarian arrangements in the EU in the wrong sequence.}, keywords = {Democratic theory, EU - European Union, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Close The present anemic content and unclear function of Union Citizenship adds uncertainty about its proper future role and content, though it has some important implications. Sceptics fear that talk of citizenship may create problems. Union Citizenship unequivocally signals that the Member State governments, the Masters of the treaties, aspire to a political polity. Union citizenship not only creates aspirations – it also presents new challenges. In particular, with citizenship comes certain virtues and commitments to certain common ends, neither of which are readily forthcoming. The present paper addresses some of these worries, centered on the commitments required of Union citizens. Section 1 asks: if Union Citizenship is the answer, what is the question? The answer seems to be the need for mutual trust among the population and among representatives in the governing bodies of the Union. Section 2 explores the reasons why citizenship rights, particularly political rights, are appropriate for inhabitants of the Union. The need for Union Citizenship thus established, section 3 considers the need for shared commitment to secure mutual trust and hence the requisite stability of the polity. Sections 4 – 7 considers alternative theories concerning what commitments Union citizens must have. Uncritical acceptance of one’s cultural community and practices is too demanding, while I argue that commitment to institutions and even to constititutional norms is insufficient to ensure stability. Liberal Contractualism holds that what is needed is also a shared conception of the proper role of individuals, member states and the Union. Reflections on the role of such conceptions also accounts for the commitment each must have to one’s local norms and culture, duly pruned by considerations of justice. Section 8 concludes by sketching some of the challenges. Some supporters of Union Citizenship fail to recognize the very real dangers of implementing ‘democratic’ majoritarian arrangements in the EU in the wrong sequence. Close http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-2001-Union-citizenship-law-phil.rtf http://www.wkap.nl/oasis.htm/335306 Close
81.	Follesdal, Andreas: Union Citizenship: Conceptions, Conditions and Preconditions. Introduction to Special issue on Union Citizenship. In: Law and Philosophy, vol. 20, no. 3, pp. 233-237, 2001. (Type: Journal Article \| Abstract \| Links \| Tags: EU – European Union, Publications) @article{RN31100, title = {Union Citizenship: Conceptions, Conditions and Preconditions. Introduction to Special issue on Union Citizenship}, author = {Andreas Follesdal}, url = {http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-2001-union-citizenship-law-phil-intro.rtf}, year = {2001}, date = {2001-01-01}, journal = {Law and Philosophy}, volume = {20}, number = {3}, pages = {233-237}, abstract = {European Union citizenship raises important questions, opportunities and challenges regarding the future development of the European Union. Indeed, the significance of Union citizenship itself is contested: If Union citizenship the answer, what is the question? The contributions to this special issue of Law and Philosophy explore the plausibility and preconditions of various conceptions of Union citizenship, regarded as a response to the need to foster stability, attachment and direction to the European political order. Contributors include Percy Lehning, Jos de Beus, Andreas Follesdal, and Carlos Closa. http://www.wkap.nl/oasis.htm/353611}, keywords = {EU - European Union, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Close European Union citizenship raises important questions, opportunities and challenges regarding the future development of the European Union. Indeed, the significance of Union citizenship itself is contested: If Union citizenship the answer, what is the question? The contributions to this special issue of Law and Philosophy explore the plausibility and preconditions of various conceptions of Union citizenship, regarded as a response to the need to foster stability, attachment and direction to the European political order. Contributors include Percy Lehning, Jos de Beus, Andreas Follesdal, and Carlos Closa. http://www.wkap.nl/oasis.htm/353611 Close http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-2001-union-citizenship-law-phil-intro.rtf Close
80.	Follesdal, Andreas: Union Citizenship – Special Issue. Law and Philosophy, 2001. (Type: Book \| Abstract \| Links \| Tags: EU – European Union, Publications, Special issues) @book{RN24080, title = {Union Citizenship - Special Issue}, author = {Andreas Follesdal}, url = {http://www.wkap.nl/issuetoc.htm/0167-5249+20+3+2001 http://www.springerlink.com/content/0167-5249/20/3/}, year = {2001}, date = {2001-01-01}, volume = {20}, address = {Law and Philosophy}, series = {Law and Philosophy}, abstract = {European Union citizenship raises important questions, opportunities and challenges regarding the future development of the European Union. Indeed, the significance of Union citizenship itself is contested: If Union citizenship the answer, what is the question? The contributions to this special issue of Law and Philosophy explore the plausibility and preconditions of various conceptions of Union citizenship, regarded as a response to the need to foster stability, attachment and direction to the European political order. Contributors include Percy Lehning, Jos de Beus, Andreas Follesdal, and Carlos Closa.}, keywords = {EU - European Union, Publications, Special issues}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {book} } Close European Union citizenship raises important questions, opportunities and challenges regarding the future development of the European Union. Indeed, the significance of Union citizenship itself is contested: If Union citizenship the answer, what is the question? The contributions to this special issue of Law and Philosophy explore the plausibility and preconditions of various conceptions of Union citizenship, regarded as a response to the need to foster stability, attachment and direction to the European political order. Contributors include Percy Lehning, Jos de Beus, Andreas Follesdal, and Carlos Closa. Close http://www.wkap.nl/issuetoc.htm/0167-5249+20+3+2001 http://www.springerlink.com/[…] Close
79.	Follesdal, Andreas: Sami Claims to Land and Water – Special Issue. 2001. (Type: Book \| Abstract \| Links \| Tags: EU – European Union, Publications, Special issues) @book{RN24030, title = {Sami Claims to Land and Water - Special Issue}, author = {Andreas Follesdal}, url = {http://ipsapp009.lwwonline.com/ips/frames/toc.asp?J=4767&I=5}, year = {2001}, date = {2001-01-01}, volume = {8}, series = {International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 8 2/3}, abstract = {Contents: Andreas Follesdal: On Saami Claims to Land and Water (103-106) Henry Minde: Sami Land Rights in Norway: A Test Case for Indigenous Peoples (107-125) Asbjørn Eide: Legal and Normative Bases for Saami Claims to Land in the Nordic Countries. (127-149) Else Grete Broderstad: Political Autonomy and Integration of Authority: The Understanding of Saami Self-Determination (151-175) Anne Julie Semb: How Norms Affect Policy The Case of Sami Policy in Norway (177-222) Kirsti Strøm Bull: The Right to Herd Reindeer in the light of the Report of the Saami Law Committee (223-234) Nils Oskal: Political Inclusion of the Saami as Indigenous People in Norway (235-261) Lukas H. Meyer: Transnational Autonomy. Responding to Historical Injustice in the Case of the Saami and Roma Peoples (263-301) Reetta Toivanen: Saami in the European Union (303-323)}, keywords = {EU - European Union, Publications, Special issues}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {book} } Close Contents: Andreas Follesdal: On Saami Claims to Land and Water (103-106) Henry Minde: Sami Land Rights in Norway: A Test Case for Indigenous Peoples (107-125) Asbjørn Eide: Legal and Normative Bases for Saami Claims to Land in the Nordic Countries. (127-149) Else Grete Broderstad: Political Autonomy and Integration of Authority: The Understanding of Saami Self-Determination (151-175) Anne Julie Semb: How Norms Affect Policy The Case of Sami Policy in Norway (177-222) Kirsti Strøm Bull: The Right to Herd Reindeer in the light of the Report of the Saami Law Committee (223-234) Nils Oskal: Political Inclusion of the Saami as Indigenous People in Norway (235-261) Lukas H. Meyer: Transnational Autonomy. Responding to Historical Injustice in the Case of the Saami and Roma Peoples (263-301) Reetta Toivanen: Saami in the European Union (303-323) Close http://ipsapp009.lwwonline.com/ips/frames/toc.asp?J=4767&I=5 Close
78.	Follesdal, Andreas: Introduction to Special Issue on Sami Claims to Land and Water. In: International Journal on Minority and Group Rights, vol. 8, no. 2/3, pp. 103–106, 2001. (Type: Journal Article \| Links \| Tags: Diversity, Publications) @article{RN30140, title = {Introduction to Special Issue on Sami Claims to Land and Water}, author = {Andreas Follesdal}, url = {http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-2001-saami-intro.rtf}, year = {2001}, date = {2001-01-01}, journal = {International Journal on Minority and Group Rights}, volume = {8}, number = {2/3}, pages = {103–106}, keywords = {Diversity, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Close http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-2001-saami-intro.rtf Close
77.	Follesdal, Andreas: Federal Inequality among Equals: A Contractualist defense. In: Pogge, Thomas (Ed.): Global Justice, pp. 242-261, Blackwell, Oxford, 2001. (Type: Book Chapter \| Abstract \| Links \| Tags: Federalism, Gender, Publications) @inbook{RN32680, title = {Federal Inequality among Equals: A Contractualist defense}, author = {Andreas Follesdal}, editor = {Thomas Pogge}, url = {http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-2001-fed-inequality.rtf}, year = {2001}, date = {2001-01-01}, booktitle = {Global Justice}, pages = {242-261}, publisher = {Blackwell}, address = {Oxford}, abstract = {Federal political orders often exhibit a conflict between the ideals of equality and political autonomy, since individuals in different sub-units often enjoy systematically different standards of living conditions. While federal arrangements may be theoretically attractive to avoid despotism, such federal inequality would appear to conflict with the principles of egalitarian cosmopolitans. The paper argues that individuals' interest in equal shares of income and wealth may be legitimately weighed against their interest in political control enjoyed by their sub-unit, as long as the inequalities do not engender misery, domination or unfair procedures. The reasons for sub-unit autonomy include reducing the risk of domination, increasing the responsiveness to local preferences, and reducing the burdens of decision-making. These arguments also suggest that states may not always be the appropriate sub-units in legitimate federal orders.}, keywords = {Federalism, Gender, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } Close Federal political orders often exhibit a conflict between the ideals of equality and political autonomy, since individuals in different sub-units often enjoy systematically different standards of living conditions. While federal arrangements may be theoretically attractive to avoid despotism, such federal inequality would appear to conflict with the principles of egalitarian cosmopolitans. The paper argues that individuals’ interest in equal shares of income and wealth may be legitimately weighed against their interest in political control enjoyed by their sub-unit, as long as the inequalities do not engender misery, domination or unfair procedures. The reasons for sub-unit autonomy include reducing the risk of domination, increasing the responsiveness to local preferences, and reducing the burdens of decision-making. These arguments also suggest that states may not always be the appropriate sub-units in legitimate federal orders. Close http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-2001-fed-inequality.rtf Close
76.	Føllesdal, Andreas: Menneskerettigheter og ulike verdisyn: Vestlige mot asiatiske verdier? Gunnerusforelesningen 1999. In: Det Kongelige Norske Videnskabers Selskab Forhandlinger, pp. 105-121, Trondheim, 2000. (Type: Book Chapter \| Abstract \| Tags: Human Rights) @inbook{RN24100, title = {Menneskerettigheter og ulike verdisyn: Vestlige mot asiatiske verdier? Gunnerusforelesningen 1999}, author = {Andreas Føllesdal}, year = {2000}, date = {2000-01-01}, booktitle = {Det Kongelige Norske Videnskabers Selskab Forhandlinger}, pages = {105-121}, address = {Trondheim}, abstract = {Få stater vedstår seg at de systematisk og bevisst setter menneskerettighetene til side. Bangkokerklæringen av 1993 brøt med denne offisielle linjen. I denne erklæringen avviste flere land de sivile og politiske menneskerettigheter, som uforenelige med "asiatiske verdier". Utenlandske protester ble også avvist som brudd på staters rett til selvstyre. Foredraget drøfter og imøtegår Bangkokerklæringens kritikk. Flere tolkninger av innvendingene mot de internasjonale menneskerettighetene blir identifisert. Disse anklagene blir så vurdert med utgangspunkt i teorier om menneskerettighetenes begrunnelse og innhold. Det påståtte skillet mellom asiatiske og vestlige kulturer må avvises, og få innvendinger mot menneskerettighetene kan opprettholdes. De innvendingene som gjenstår forkaster ikke menneskerettighetene, men støtter kanskje noen menneskerettighetsteorier fremfor andre. Menneskerettighetene kan derfor ikke avvises som uforsvarlig vestlig ideologisk imperialisme. Few states admit that they systematically and deliberately violate international human rights. The Bangkok Declaration of 1993 ended this public consensus. In this declaration several Asian states argued that civil and political human rights must be set aside insofar as they are incompatible with "Asian values". Foreign protests against human rights were also dismissed as violating states' sovereignty. The lecture discusses and rebuts the criticism raised in the Bangkok Declaration. Several objections against international human rights are identified and assessed on the basis of theories of human rights. Claims to thorough-going differences between Asian and Western cultures do not stand against criticisms, and few objections against human rights can be maintained. The remaining objections do not invalidate human rights, but support some justifications for human rights rather than others. Thus human rights cannot be dismissed as objectionable exercises of Western ideological imperialism.}, keywords = {Human Rights}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } Close Få stater vedstår seg at de systematisk og bevisst setter menneskerettighetene til side. Bangkokerklæringen av 1993 brøt med denne offisielle linjen. I denne erklæringen avviste flere land de sivile og politiske menneskerettigheter, som uforenelige med “asiatiske verdier”. Utenlandske protester ble også avvist som brudd på staters rett til selvstyre. Foredraget drøfter og imøtegår Bangkokerklæringens kritikk. Flere tolkninger av innvendingene mot de internasjonale menneskerettighetene blir identifisert. Disse anklagene blir så vurdert med utgangspunkt i teorier om menneskerettighetenes begrunnelse og innhold. Det påståtte skillet mellom asiatiske og vestlige kulturer må avvises, og få innvendinger mot menneskerettighetene kan opprettholdes. De innvendingene som gjenstår forkaster ikke menneskerettighetene, men støtter kanskje noen menneskerettighetsteorier fremfor andre. Menneskerettighetene kan derfor ikke avvises som uforsvarlig vestlig ideologisk imperialisme. Few states admit that they systematically and deliberately violate international human rights. The Bangkok Declaration of 1993 ended this public consensus. In this declaration several Asian states argued that civil and political human rights must be set aside insofar as they are incompatible with “Asian values”. Foreign protests against human rights were also dismissed as violating states’ sovereignty. The lecture discusses and rebuts the criticism raised in the Bangkok Declaration. Several objections against international human rights are identified and assessed on the basis of theories of human rights. Claims to thorough-going differences between Asian and Western cultures do not stand against criticisms, and few objections against human rights can be maintained. The remaining objections do not invalidate human rights, but support some justifications for human rights rather than others. Thus human rights cannot be dismissed as objectionable exercises of Western ideological imperialism. Close
75.	Føllesdal, Andreas: Meninger med målløst liv: Noen hovedretninger innen dyreetikk. In: Føllesdal, Andreas (Ed.): Dyreetikk, pp. 65–89, Fagbokforlaget, Oslo, 2000. (Type: Book Chapter \| Tags: Public policy, Publications) @inbook{RN29050, title = {Meninger med målløst liv: Noen hovedretninger innen dyreetikk}, author = {Andreas Føllesdal}, editor = {Andreas Føllesdal}, year = {2000}, date = {2000-01-01}, booktitle = {Dyreetikk}, pages = {65–89}, publisher = {Fagbokforlaget}, address = {Oslo}, keywords = {Public policy, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } Close
74.	Føllesdal, Andreas: Læring og likeverd: Bør skolen sikre likhet?. In: Norsk Pedagogisk Tidsskrift, no. 1, pp. 17–31, 2000. (Type: Journal Article \| Tags: Public policy, Publications) @article{RN24010, title = {Læring og likeverd: Bør skolen sikre likhet?}, author = {Andreas Føllesdal}, year = {2000}, date = {2000-01-01}, journal = {Norsk Pedagogisk Tidsskrift}, number = {1}, pages = {17–31}, keywords = {Public policy, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Close
73.	Føllesdal, Andreas: Fellesskapsverdienes funksjon i filosofisk perspektiv: Hvorfor og hva slags? (Innlegg på Motverdikonferansen 1999). In: Førland, Tor Egil (Ed.): Bidrag til verdienes historie, pp. 15–39, Pax, Oslo, 2000. (Type: Book Chapter \| Tags: Diversity, Publications) @inbook{RN23950, title = {Fellesskapsverdienes funksjon i filosofisk perspektiv: Hvorfor og hva slags? (Innlegg på Motverdikonferansen 1999)}, author = {Andreas Føllesdal}, editor = {Tor Egil Førland}, year = {2000}, date = {2000-01-01}, booktitle = {Bidrag til verdienes historie}, pages = {15–39}, publisher = {Pax}, address = {Oslo}, keywords = {Diversity, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } Close
72.	Føllesdal, Andreas: Dyreetikk [Animal Ethics]. Fagbokforlaget, Oslo, 2000. (Type: Book \| Abstract \| Tags: Edited books, Publications) @book{RN29040, title = {Dyreetikk [Animal Ethics]}, author = {Andreas Føllesdal}, year = {2000}, date = {2000-01-01}, publisher = {Fagbokforlaget}, address = {Oslo}, abstract = {se http://www.fagbokforlaget.no/?isbn=978-82-7674-697-6 Innholdsfortegnelse Forord Førsteamanuensis Andreas Føllesdal, Filosofisk institutt, Universitetet i Oslo I Dyreetikk som utfordring 1 En fisks iboende verdi Prof. Em. Arne Næss, Filosofisk institutt, Universitetet i Oslo 2 Menneskets medfødte forutsetninger som vertskap for produksjonsdyr Bergljot Børresen, Dr. med. vet. 3 At dyr ikke skal lide i “utrengsmål”: Om dyrevernlovens hovedparagraf Professor Arne Frøsli, Norges veterinærhøyskole II Dyreetikk - begrunnelser 4 Meninger med målløst liv – Noen hovedretninger innen dyreetikk Førsteamanuensis Andreas Føllesdal, Filosofisk Institutt, Universitetet i Oslo 5 Hvordan bør dyr telle? Synspunkter fra et kristent perspektiv Professor Sven Åge Christoffersen, Teologisk fakultet, Universitetet i Oslo, Leder, Rådet for dyreetikk. 6 Guruen og Røyskatten. Dyreetikk i indisk perspektiv Universitetslektor Kjell Madsen, Filosofisk Institutt, Universitetet i Oslo 7 Et Kantiansk syn på dyrs moralske status Førsteamanuensis Jens Saugstad, Filosofisk Institutt, Universitetet i Oslo 8 Dyr, omsorg og rettferdighet Universitetslektor Per Ariansen, Filosofisk Institutt, Universitetet i Oslo III Dyrevelferd 9 Dyreetikk i praksis. Noen problemstillinger belyst gjennom uttalelser fra Rådet for dyreetikk Cecilie M. Mejdell, Sekretariatsleder, Rådet for dyreetikk 10 Dyrevelferd: Definisjoner, målemetoder og etisk relevans Professor Peter Sandøe, Pernille Fraas Johnsen og Stine B. Christiansen, Center for Bioetik og Risikovurdering, Den Kongelige Veterinær- og Landbohøjskole, København 11 Fisk, smerte og etikk Professor Olav Gjelsvik, Filosofisk institutt, Universitetet i Oslo 12 Begrepsoppdrett og spørsmåls(mis)dannelse: etikk, vitenskap, og laksens indre liv Professor Bjørn Ramberg, Filosofisk institutt, Universitetet i Oslo Referanser Appendiks Om rådet for dyreetikk Cecilie M. Mejdell, Sekretariatsleder, Rådet for dyreetikk Tabula Gratulatoria}, keywords = {Edited books, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {book} } Close se http://www.fagbokforlaget.no/?isbn=978-82-7674-697-6 Innholdsfortegnelse Forord Førsteamanuensis Andreas Føllesdal, Filosofisk institutt, Universitetet i Oslo I Dyreetikk som utfordring 1 En fisks iboende verdi Prof. Em. Arne Næss, Filosofisk institutt, Universitetet i Oslo 2 Menneskets medfødte forutsetninger som vertskap for produksjonsdyr Bergljot Børresen, Dr. med. vet. 3 At dyr ikke skal lide i “utrengsmål”: Om dyrevernlovens hovedparagraf Professor Arne Frøsli, Norges veterinærhøyskole II Dyreetikk – begrunnelser 4 Meninger med målløst liv – Noen hovedretninger innen dyreetikk Førsteamanuensis Andreas Føllesdal, Filosofisk Institutt, Universitetet i Oslo 5 Hvordan bør dyr telle? Synspunkter fra et kristent perspektiv Professor Sven Åge Christoffersen, Teologisk fakultet, Universitetet i Oslo, Leder, Rådet for dyreetikk. 6 Guruen og Røyskatten. Dyreetikk i indisk perspektiv Universitetslektor Kjell Madsen, Filosofisk Institutt, Universitetet i Oslo 7 Et Kantiansk syn på dyrs moralske status Førsteamanuensis Jens Saugstad, Filosofisk Institutt, Universitetet i Oslo 8 Dyr, omsorg og rettferdighet Universitetslektor Per Ariansen, Filosofisk Institutt, Universitetet i Oslo III Dyrevelferd 9 Dyreetikk i praksis. Noen problemstillinger belyst gjennom uttalelser fra Rådet for dyreetikk Cecilie M. Mejdell, Sekretariatsleder, Rådet for dyreetikk 10 Dyrevelferd: Definisjoner, målemetoder og etisk relevans Professor Peter Sandøe, Pernille Fraas Johnsen og Stine B. Christiansen, Center for Bioetik og Risikovurdering, Den Kongelige Veterinær- og Landbohøjskole, København 11 Fisk, smerte og etikk Professor Olav Gjelsvik, Filosofisk institutt, Universitetet i Oslo 12 Begrepsoppdrett og spørsmåls(mis)dannelse: etikk, vitenskap, og laksens indre liv Professor Bjørn Ramberg, Filosofisk institutt, Universitetet i Oslo Referanser Appendiks Om rådet for dyreetikk Cecilie M. Mejdell, Sekretariatsleder, Rådet for dyreetikk Tabula Gratulatoria Close
71.	Follesdal, Andreas: Theories of Democracy for Europe: Multi-level Challenges for Multi-level Governance. 2000. (Type: Miscellaneous \| Abstract \| Links \| Tags: Democratic theory, EU – European Union, Federalism, Publications) @misc{RN28750, title = {Theories of Democracy for Europe: Multi-level Challenges for Multi-level Governance}, author = {Andreas Follesdal}, url = {http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-2000-dem-EU-ISSEI.rtf}, year = {2000}, date = {2000-01-01}, abstract = {The European Union is a new subject for theories of legitimacy, and poses fundamental challenges to the established concepts and principles of democratic theory. The mere existence of the EU proves that the sovereign state cannot remain the sole focus of normative reflection. Indeed, the very conception of sovereignty is at stake in current disputes about the proper scope and legal powers to be transferred to central European institutions, without divesting traditional member states of all powers (Jachtenfuchs 1998). European institutions are not designed to replace domestic nodes of governance, but instead turn Europe into a system of multi-level governance. The role of democratic decision procedures and consent must be rethought, both for domestic and multi-level governance, to consider why and in what sense legitimate government must rest on consent of the governed. A central issue must then be the proper scope of democratic decision procedures at the EU level. It is important to get a good sense of the wide range of federal arrangements, so as not to block institutional creativity and political theory prematurely – and so as to realise the perplexing challenges to democratic theory. The EU appears clearly to have features of such non-hierarchical dual sovereignty, yet Member States remain Masters of the Treaties at the IGCs. One central normative issue for multi-level governance is which competences should be placed with each level. A Europe of variable geometry or Europe a la carte becomes especially difficult to square with standard elements of democratic theory, in particular transparency and accountability. Competing politicians or parties can only with great difficulty be held accountable in a multi-level shell game of accountability. Such problems hinder deliberation and interest formation, thus posing extra challenges to the democratic concern that voters and politicians should shape their views in light of arguments concerning the common weal. Finally, increased European mobility appear to challenge some fundamental assumptions and arrangements of democratic theory, possibly reducing the weight of citizens' claims to democratic decisionmaking.}, keywords = {Democratic theory, EU - European Union, Federalism, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {misc} } Close The European Union is a new subject for theories of legitimacy, and poses fundamental challenges to the established concepts and principles of democratic theory. The mere existence of the EU proves that the sovereign state cannot remain the sole focus of normative reflection. Indeed, the very conception of sovereignty is at stake in current disputes about the proper scope and legal powers to be transferred to central European institutions, without divesting traditional member states of all powers (Jachtenfuchs 1998). European institutions are not designed to replace domestic nodes of governance, but instead turn Europe into a system of multi-level governance. The role of democratic decision procedures and consent must be rethought, both for domestic and multi-level governance, to consider why and in what sense legitimate government must rest on consent of the governed. A central issue must then be the proper scope of democratic decision procedures at the EU level. It is important to get a good sense of the wide range of federal arrangements, so as not to block institutional creativity and political theory prematurely – and so as to realise the perplexing challenges to democratic theory. The EU appears clearly to have features of such non-hierarchical dual sovereignty, yet Member States remain Masters of the Treaties at the IGCs. One central normative issue for multi-level governance is which competences should be placed with each level. A Europe of variable geometry or Europe a la carte becomes especially difficult to square with standard elements of democratic theory, in particular transparency and accountability. Competing politicians or parties can only with great difficulty be held accountable in a multi-level shell game of accountability. Such problems hinder deliberation and interest formation, thus posing extra challenges to the democratic concern that voters and politicians should shape their views in light of arguments concerning the common weal. Finally, increased European mobility appear to challenge some fundamental assumptions and arrangements of democratic theory, possibly reducing the weight of citizens’ claims to democratic decisionmaking. Close http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-2000-dem-EU-ISSEI.rtf Close
70.	Follesdal, Andreas: Subsidiarity and democratic deliberation. In: Eriksen, Erik Oddvar; Fossum, John Erik (Ed.): Democracy in the European Union: Integration through Deliberation?, pp. 85-110, Routledge, London, 2000. (Type: Book Chapter \| Abstract \| Links \| Tags: Democratic theory, EU – European Union, Publications, Subsidiarity) @inbook{RN24040, title = {Subsidiarity and democratic deliberation}, author = {Andreas Follesdal}, editor = {Erik Oddvar Eriksen and John Erik Fossum}, url = {http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-2000-subs-dem.rtf}, year = {2000}, date = {2000-01-01}, booktitle = {Democracy in the European Union: Integration through Deliberation?}, pages = {85-110}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, abstract = {Subsidiarity may seem attractive for deliberative democrats concerned with the opportunities for preference formation in "decentralised processes of decision making ... within constitutional political structures." (Bohman 1999:::, 25; Miller 1992: 54, 67). While there are such reasons for supporting subsidiarity, the Amsterdam conception of subsidiarity also conflicts with the concern for democratic deliberation when it comes to institutional arrangements. The paper identifies three main areas of tension between Amsterdam Subsidiarity and deliberative democracy. Firstly, an urgent but unanswered task is how to secure accountable applications of Amsterdam Subsidiarity. Secondly, this conception of subsidiarity seems to grant unwarranted powers to Member States. Other entities, such as sub-state regions, might also appeal to considerations of subsidiarity, yet such applications and arguments are not recognised. Finally, Amsterdam Subsidiarity may hinder the development of trans-European values and commitments necessary for a stable European political order.}, keywords = {Democratic theory, EU - European Union, Publications, Subsidiarity}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } Close Subsidiarity may seem attractive for deliberative democrats concerned with the opportunities for preference formation in “decentralised processes of decision making … within constitutional political structures.” (Bohman 1999:::, 25; Miller 1992: 54, 67). While there are such reasons for supporting subsidiarity, the Amsterdam conception of subsidiarity also conflicts with the concern for democratic deliberation when it comes to institutional arrangements. The paper identifies three main areas of tension between Amsterdam Subsidiarity and deliberative democracy. Firstly, an urgent but unanswered task is how to secure accountable applications of Amsterdam Subsidiarity. Secondly, this conception of subsidiarity seems to grant unwarranted powers to Member States. Other entities, such as sub-state regions, might also appeal to considerations of subsidiarity, yet such applications and arguments are not recognised. Finally, Amsterdam Subsidiarity may hinder the development of trans-European values and commitments necessary for a stable European political order. Close http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-2000-subs-dem.rtf Close
69.	Follesdal, Andreas: The problem of defining the ‘good’ in pluralistic societies. In: Arizpe, Lourdes; Preis, Ann-Belinda (Ed.): World Culture Report 2000: Cultural diversity, conflict and pluralism, pp. 36, UNESCO Publishing, Paris, 2000. (Type: Book Chapter \| Links \| Tags: Public policy, Publications) @inbook{RN28920, title = {The problem of defining the 'good' in pluralistic societies}, author = {Andreas Follesdal}, editor = {Lourdes Arizpe and Ann-Belinda Preis}, url = {http://follesdal.net/doc/Follesdal-2000-UNESCO.htm http://www.unesco.org/culture/worldreport/index.html}, year = {2000}, date = {2000-01-01}, booktitle = {World Culture Report 2000: Cultural diversity, conflict and pluralism}, pages = {36}, publisher = {UNESCO Publishing}, address = {Paris}, keywords = {Public policy, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } Close http://follesdal.net/doc/Follesdal-2000-UNESCO.htm http://www.unesco.org/culture/worldreport/index.html Close
68.	Follesdal, Andreas: Liberal Nationalism – defending the very idea. 2000. (Type: Miscellaneous \| Abstract \| Links \| Tags: John Rawls) @misc{RN28740, title = {Liberal Nationalism - defending the very idea}, author = {Andreas Follesdal}, url = {http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-2000-lib-natl-idea-ISSEI.rtf}, year = {2000}, date = {2000-01-01}, abstract = {Alleged tensions between liberalism and nationalism have recently received sustained attention. Several authors have explored or defended moderate views. Yet liberal theories are considered unable to account for political allegiance -- the duty to comply with the just laws and institutions of one's own state. I assume that political allegiance is central to the very idea of nationalism. If it is incompatible with "cosmopolitan" universalist liberalism, the critics are right. The article seeks to respond from a liberal contractualist position similar to that of Rawls, Barry, Dworkin or Scanlon (Rawls 1971, 1971, Barry 1995, Dworkin 1978, Scanlon 1998). This is the main content of section 2. This is not to say that liberal contractualism endorses nationalism understood as a principle of political order, that political and cultural/ethnic boundaries should coincide. In order to bring this out, section 3 of the article includes some considerations concerning the grounds for recognising national groups' claims to some measures of political autonomy.}, keywords = {John Rawls}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {misc} } Close Alleged tensions between liberalism and nationalism have recently received sustained attention. Several authors have explored or defended moderate views. Yet liberal theories are considered unable to account for political allegiance — the duty to comply with the just laws and institutions of one’s own state. I assume that political allegiance is central to the very idea of nationalism. If it is incompatible with “cosmopolitan” universalist liberalism, the critics are right. The article seeks to respond from a liberal contractualist position similar to that of Rawls, Barry, Dworkin or Scanlon (Rawls 1971, 1971, Barry 1995, Dworkin 1978, Scanlon 1998). This is the main content of section 2. This is not to say that liberal contractualism endorses nationalism understood as a principle of political order, that political and cultural/ethnic boundaries should coincide. In order to bring this out, section 3 of the article includes some considerations concerning the grounds for recognising national groups’ claims to some measures of political autonomy. Close http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-2000-lib-natl-idea-ISSEI.rtf Close
67.	Follesdal, Andreas: Justice: Global and European. In: Global Society, vol. 14, no. 4, pp. 591-609, 2000. (Type: Journal Article \| Abstract \| Links \| Tags: EU – European Union, Federalism, Publications, Subsidiarity) @article{RN26380, title = {Justice: Global and European}, author = {Andreas Follesdal}, url = {http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-2000-glob-eur.rtf}, year = {2000}, date = {2000-01-01}, journal = {Global Society}, volume = {14}, number = {4}, pages = {591-609}, abstract = {The first section of this paper lays out some aspects of liberal contractualism. Section 2 points to some relevant differences in the subject matters of international and European political order. Section 3 indicates that the research questions are interestingly different for the two subjects. At least three central topics must be addressed by a normative theory of federalism when brought to bear on the issues of europeanisation. Democratic theory must be rethought, and the concepts developed for nation-state parameters must be reconfigured. Distributive justice must consider the normative significance of non-unitary modes of governance. Claims to equal shares may have to be tempered by an account of when sub-units must take responsibility for their worst-off, rather than expecting other individuals in the political order as a whole to do so. A third important topic concerns the allocation of authority between the central level and sub-units. In the context of the European Union, the principle of subsidiarity has been introduced to resolve these issues, first in the Maastricht Treaty and most recently elaborated in the Amsterdam Treaty. The principle of subsidiarity places the burden of proof on those who seeks to centralise authorities. However, the principle is contested, can be interpreted in conflicting ways, and can apply in a variety of fields. It merits more attention by political philosophers.}, keywords = {EU - European Union, Federalism, Publications, Subsidiarity}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Close The first section of this paper lays out some aspects of liberal contractualism. Section 2 points to some relevant differences in the subject matters of international and European political order. Section 3 indicates that the research questions are interestingly different for the two subjects. At least three central topics must be addressed by a normative theory of federalism when brought to bear on the issues of europeanisation. Democratic theory must be rethought, and the concepts developed for nation-state parameters must be reconfigured. Distributive justice must consider the normative significance of non-unitary modes of governance. Claims to equal shares may have to be tempered by an account of when sub-units must take responsibility for their worst-off, rather than expecting other individuals in the political order as a whole to do so. A third important topic concerns the allocation of authority between the central level and sub-units. In the context of the European Union, the principle of subsidiarity has been introduced to resolve these issues, first in the Maastricht Treaty and most recently elaborated in the Amsterdam Treaty. The principle of subsidiarity places the burden of proof on those who seeks to centralise authorities. However, the principle is contested, can be interpreted in conflicting ways, and can apply in a variety of fields. It merits more attention by political philosophers. Close http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-2000-glob-eur.rtf Close
66.	Follesdal, Andreas: Indigenous minorities and the shadow of injustice past. In: International Journal on Minority and Group Rights, vol. 7, no. 1, pp. 19–37, 2000. (Type: Journal Article \| Abstract \| Links \| Tags: Diversity, Public policy, Publications) @article{RN23860, title = {Indigenous minorities and the shadow of injustice past}, author = {Andreas Follesdal}, url = {http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-2000-ind-min.rtf}, year = {2000}, date = {2000-01-01}, journal = {International Journal on Minority and Group Rights}, volume = {7}, number = {1}, pages = {19–37}, abstract = {Addresses the basis and scope of present claims of compensation for past wrongs – particularly committed against indigenous populations. A theory of such reparation is the topic of this paper. Section 2 sketches some challenges to a contractualist normative theory of reparation, drawing on Lyons, Sher, Waldron and Goodin on reparation. Section 3 lays out some fragments of Liberal Contractualism, the normative framework brought to bear on this issue. Section 4 returns to consider arguments in favor of holding that past injustices matter.}, keywords = {Diversity, Public policy, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Close Addresses the basis and scope of present claims of compensation for past wrongs – particularly committed against indigenous populations. A theory of such reparation is the topic of this paper. Section 2 sketches some challenges to a contractualist normative theory of reparation, drawing on Lyons, Sher, Waldron and Goodin on reparation. Section 3 lays out some fragments of Liberal Contractualism, the normative framework brought to bear on this issue. Section 4 returns to consider arguments in favor of holding that past injustices matter. Close http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-2000-ind-min.rtf Close
65.	Follesdal, Andreas: Global Justice as Impartiality: Whither claims to equal shares?. In: Coates, Tony (Ed.): International Justice, pp. 150-166, Ashgate, Aldershot, 2000. (Type: Book Chapter \| Abstract \| Links \| Tags: John Rawls) @inbook{RN23830, title = {Global Justice as Impartiality: Whither claims to equal shares?}, author = {Andreas Follesdal}, editor = {Tony Coates}, url = {http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-2000-glob-imp.rtf}, year = {2000}, date = {2000-01-01}, booktitle = {International Justice}, pages = {150-166}, publisher = {Ashgate}, address = {Aldershot}, abstract = {Based on ARENA Working Paper 98/8: "Contractualist Egalitarianism: Whence and Whither" The paper argues that liberal contractualism can defend the distributive significance of state borders. While unequal shares of certain goods is unreasonable among citizens, some such inequalities are not objectionable in a system of sovereign states. Domestically, a strong case can be made for requiring equal shares of "social primary goods", understood as legal powers within a state characterised by pluralism. However, global regimes need not maximise the share of the globally worst off. Thus a "Global Difference Principle" is not a condition of legitimacy for regimes regulating states in a system of states. The argument shows that claims to equality within liberal contractualism are not robust, as there is no general presumption for equality of condition or of shares of goods. This account thus challenges the received view of liberal contractualism and Justice as Impartiality, which is often thought to justify a general egalitarian baseline for all distributive domains. The paper offers a defence of Rawls' theory of Justice as Fairness, which has been regarded as fundamentally inconsistent in rejecting a Global Difference Principle and in disregarding naturally occurring inequalities. The argument presented defends the consistency of Justice as Fairness, but challenges that theory's relevance for the present world order.}, keywords = {John Rawls}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } Close Based on ARENA Working Paper 98/8: “Contractualist Egalitarianism: Whence and Whither” The paper argues that liberal contractualism can defend the distributive significance of state borders. While unequal shares of certain goods is unreasonable among citizens, some such inequalities are not objectionable in a system of sovereign states. Domestically, a strong case can be made for requiring equal shares of “social primary goods”, understood as legal powers within a state characterised by pluralism. However, global regimes need not maximise the share of the globally worst off. Thus a “Global Difference Principle” is not a condition of legitimacy for regimes regulating states in a system of states. The argument shows that claims to equality within liberal contractualism are not robust, as there is no general presumption for equality of condition or of shares of goods. This account thus challenges the received view of liberal contractualism and Justice as Impartiality, which is often thought to justify a general egalitarian baseline for all distributive domains. The paper offers a defence of Rawls’ theory of Justice as Fairness, which has been regarded as fundamentally inconsistent in rejecting a Global Difference Principle and in disregarding naturally occurring inequalities. The argument presented defends the consistency of Justice as Fairness, but challenges that theory’s relevance for the present world order. Close http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-2000-glob-imp.rtf Close
64.	Follesdal, Andreas: Global ethics and respect for culture. In: Hughes, Cheryl; Hudson, Yeager (Ed.): Cultural integrity and world community, pp. 3-24, Edwin Mellen, Lewiston, NY, 2000. (Type: Book Chapter \| Abstract \| Links \| Tags: Human Rights) @inbook{RN23970, title = {Global ethics and respect for culture}, author = {Andreas Follesdal}, editor = {Cheryl Hughes and Yeager Hudson}, url = {http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-2000-globeth.rtf}, year = {2000}, date = {2000-01-01}, booktitle = {Cultural integrity and world community}, pages = {3-24}, publisher = {Edwin Mellen}, address = {Lewiston, NY}, abstract = {A plausible normative political theory must stake a course that on the one hand explains the value of existing cultures, and at the same time defends some limits on toleration. The need for such an account is apparent in two recent statements. The report from UNESCO's World Commission on Culture and Development, Our Creative Diversity, reveals some dilemmas concerning how to regard cultures which are incompatible with human rights. The Bangkok Declaration of 1993 gave rise to a debate about "Asian values", concerning whether universal human rights are contrary to Asian culture. These dilemmas pose important questions about the normative value of existing cultures and the plausibility of universal rights -- and whether such accounts can be provided without relying on objectionably 'Western' premises. The paper sketches some aspects of such a theory, drawing on a conception of liberal contractualism that does not regard individuals as fundamentally autonomous. The main focus is the proper grounds and scope of protection of culture, accounting for the normative significance of local cultural belonging. It is argued that Kymlicka's and O'Neill's valuable contributions rely on a conception of the individual considered as agent, with a strong interest in holding open possibilities of choice. This assumption may be avoided by exploring the role of culture in shaping expectations, thus deflecting the criticism of a Western bias. If this account is accepted, it suggests that at least three issues in UNESCOs report require clarification: - The value of culture need not be based on a conception of persons as centrally concerned with autonomy. - The reasons for valuing culture may not require that pluralism must be lauded. - The endorsement of corporatism requires further argument.}, keywords = {Human Rights}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } Close A plausible normative political theory must stake a course that on the one hand explains the value of existing cultures, and at the same time defends some limits on toleration. The need for such an account is apparent in two recent statements. The report from UNESCO’s World Commission on Culture and Development, Our Creative Diversity, reveals some dilemmas concerning how to regard cultures which are incompatible with human rights. The Bangkok Declaration of 1993 gave rise to a debate about “Asian values”, concerning whether universal human rights are contrary to Asian culture. These dilemmas pose important questions about the normative value of existing cultures and the plausibility of universal rights — and whether such accounts can be provided without relying on objectionably ‘Western’ premises. The paper sketches some aspects of such a theory, drawing on a conception of liberal contractualism that does not regard individuals as fundamentally autonomous. The main focus is the proper grounds and scope of protection of culture, accounting for the normative significance of local cultural belonging. It is argued that Kymlicka’s and O’Neill’s valuable contributions rely on a conception of the individual considered as agent, with a strong interest in holding open possibilities of choice. This assumption may be avoided by exploring the role of culture in shaping expectations, thus deflecting the criticism of a Western bias. If this account is accepted, it suggests that at least three issues in UNESCOs report require clarification: – The value of culture need not be based on a conception of persons as centrally concerned with autonomy. – The reasons for valuing culture may not require that pluralism must be lauded. – The endorsement of corporatism requires further argument. Close http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-2000-globeth.rtf Close
63.	Follesdal, Andreas: The future Soul of Europe: Nationalism or Just Patriotism? On David Miller’s Defence of Nationality. In: Journal of Peace Research, vol. 37, no. 4, pp. 503-518, 2000. (Type: Journal Article \| Abstract \| Links \| Tags: EU – European Union, John Rawls, Publications) @article{RN26150, title = {The future Soul of Europe: Nationalism or Just Patriotism? On David Miller's Defence of Nationality}, author = {Andreas Follesdal}, url = {http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-2000-miller.rtf}, year = {2000}, date = {2000-01-01}, journal = {Journal of Peace Research}, volume = {37}, number = {4}, pages = {503-518}, abstract = {The paper criticises David Miller's recent defence of national identity needed to secure the trust required for redistributive welfare arrangements. His argument does not support his conclusion: The shared bases among citizens need not include a broad range of values and cultural belonging, but might plausibly be restricted to Just Patriotism of the kind suggested by Habermas or Rawls in the Liberal Contractualist tradition. One upshot is that Miller's pessimism regarding the prospects of redistributive regimes in the European Union is unwarranted.}, keywords = {EU - European Union, John Rawls, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Close The paper criticises David Miller’s recent defence of national identity needed to secure the trust required for redistributive welfare arrangements. His argument does not support his conclusion: The shared bases among citizens need not include a broad range of values and cultural belonging, but might plausibly be restricted to Just Patriotism of the kind suggested by Habermas or Rawls in the Liberal Contractualist tradition. One upshot is that Miller’s pessimism regarding the prospects of redistributive regimes in the European Union is unwarranted. Close http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-2000-miller.rtf Close
62.	Føllesdal, Andreas: Likeverd på anbud? Kan markedet sikre likeverd i morgendagens velferdsstat?. In: Velferd og samfunn, Norges forskningsråds forskningsprogram, pp. 34–44, Norges forskningsråd, Oslo, 1999, (Extent of Work: 10 anbud.doc Call Number: (A)). (Type: Book Chapter \| Tags: Public policy, Publications) @inbook{RN26030, title = {Likeverd på anbud? Kan markedet sikre likeverd i morgendagens velferdsstat?}, author = {Andreas Føllesdal}, year = {1999}, date = {1999-01-01}, booktitle = {Velferd og samfunn, Norges forskningsråds forskningsprogram}, pages = {34–44}, publisher = {Norges forskningsråd}, address = {Oslo}, note = {Extent of Work: 10 anbud.doc Call Number: (A)}, keywords = {Public policy, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } Close
61.	Føllesdal, Andreas: Suverenitet – utydelig og uunngåelig. In: Claes, Dag Harald; Tranøy, Bent Sofus (Ed.): Utenfor, annerledes og suveren? Norge under EØS-avtalen, pp. 269–279, Fagbokforlaget, Oslo, 1999. (Type: Book Chapter \| Tags: EU – European Union, Publications) @inbook{RN24050, title = {Suverenitet - utydelig og uunngåelig}, author = {Andreas Føllesdal}, editor = {Dag Harald Claes and Bent Sofus Tranøy}, year = {1999}, date = {1999-01-01}, booktitle = {Utenfor, annerledes og suveren? Norge under EØS-avtalen}, pages = {269–279}, publisher = {Fagbokforlaget}, address = {Oslo}, keywords = {EU - European Union, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } Close
60.	Føllesdal, Andreas: Makt i John Rawls’ teori om Rettferdighet som rimelighet. In: Engelstad, Fredrik (Ed.): Maktbegrepet: Teori og kritikk, vol. Makt- og demokratiutredningen, pp. 262-290, AdNotam Gyldendal, Oslo, 1999. (Type: Book Chapter \| Abstract \| Tags: John Rawls) @inbook{RN23400, title = {Makt i John Rawls' teori om Rettferdighet som rimelighet}, author = {Andreas Føllesdal}, editor = {Fredrik Engelstad}, year = {1999}, date = {1999-01-01}, booktitle = {Maktbegrepet: Teori og kritikk}, volume = {Makt- og demokratiutredningen}, pages = {262-290}, publisher = {AdNotam Gyldendal}, address = {Oslo}, abstract = {Del 1 skisserer antagelser om de grunnleggende samfunnsinstitusjonene og livssynsmangfoldet, for å forstå hvorfor teorien har dette som tema og premiss. Rawls' teori Rettferdighet som rimelighet legger stor vekt på institusjonenes rolle: de preger våre verdier og forventninger på fundamentale måter, og påvirker maktfordelingen oss imellom i samfunnet. Om institusjonene dermed utøver 'makt' er et definisjonsspørsmål. Del 2 skisserer enkelte sider ved Rawls' teori, og del 3 ser kort på hvordan samfunnsinstitusjonenes betydning forklarer den sterke likhetorienteringen i rettferdighetsprinsippene. Del 4 peker på noen aspekter av teorien av betydning for forståelse av maktbegrepet, og del 5 skisserer noen konsekvenser for demokratiske ordninger. Del 6 nevner noen hovedinnvendinger mot teorien.}, keywords = {John Rawls}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } Close Del 1 skisserer antagelser om de grunnleggende samfunnsinstitusjonene og livssynsmangfoldet, for å forstå hvorfor teorien har dette som tema og premiss. Rawls’ teori Rettferdighet som rimelighet legger stor vekt på institusjonenes rolle: de preger våre verdier og forventninger på fundamentale måter, og påvirker maktfordelingen oss imellom i samfunnet. Om institusjonene dermed utøver ‘makt’ er et definisjonsspørsmål. Del 2 skisserer enkelte sider ved Rawls’ teori, og del 3 ser kort på hvordan samfunnsinstitusjonenes betydning forklarer den sterke likhetorienteringen i rettferdighetsprinsippene. Del 4 peker på noen aspekter av teorien av betydning for forståelse av maktbegrepet, og del 5 skisserer noen konsekvenser for demokratiske ordninger. Del 6 nevner noen hovedinnvendinger mot teorien. Close
59.	Føllesdal, Andreas: Hvorfor likhet, hva slags likhet? Normative føringer på forskning om makt og demokrati (Why Equality – Equality of What? Normative Guidelines for Research on Power and Democracy). In: Tidsskrift for samfunnsforskning, vol. 24, no. 2, pp. 123-147, 1999. (Type: Journal Article \| Abstract \| Tags: John Rawls) @article{RN22330, title = {Hvorfor likhet, hva slags likhet? Normative føringer på forskning om makt og demokrati (Why Equality - Equality of What? Normative Guidelines for Research on Power and Democracy)}, author = {Andreas Føllesdal}, year = {1999}, date = {1999-01-01}, journal = {Tidsskrift for samfunnsforskning}, volume = {24}, number = {2}, pages = {123-147}, abstract = {The article explores the ideal of equality said to underpin the Scandinavian welfare states. Equality is not one, but multiple ideals. There are at least five reasons for equality of various kinds, with important different implications for choice of quality of life measures, for democratic arrangements, and for standards of legitimate distribution of power within a society. Most reasons for equality are best regarded as arguments against certain large inequalities of particular kinds, to prevent domination and procedural mishaps. The best reason for securing equal shares is offered in John Rawls' theory Justice as Fairness, focusing on Social Primary Goods - civil and political rights, income and wealth, and fair equality of opportunity. These arguments for limiting inequality underscore the need for research on quality of life. The article pursues some implications for choice of indicators, focusing on the added constraint of pervasive pluralism of conceptions of the good. Finally, some implications are presented with regard to the study of democracy and power. Democracy is important for securing some forms of equality and for a legitimate distribution of many benefits and burdens generally. But some interpretations of democracy, such as of participatory democracy, must be revised.}, keywords = {John Rawls}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Close The article explores the ideal of equality said to underpin the Scandinavian welfare states. Equality is not one, but multiple ideals. There are at least five reasons for equality of various kinds, with important different implications for choice of quality of life measures, for democratic arrangements, and for standards of legitimate distribution of power within a society. Most reasons for equality are best regarded as arguments against certain large inequalities of particular kinds, to prevent domination and procedural mishaps. The best reason for securing equal shares is offered in John Rawls’ theory Justice as Fairness, focusing on Social Primary Goods – civil and political rights, income and wealth, and fair equality of opportunity. These arguments for limiting inequality underscore the need for research on quality of life. The article pursues some implications for choice of indicators, focusing on the added constraint of pervasive pluralism of conceptions of the good. Finally, some implications are presented with regard to the study of democracy and power. Democracy is important for securing some forms of equality and for a legitimate distribution of many benefits and burdens generally. But some interpretations of democracy, such as of participatory democracy, must be revised. Close
58.	Føllesdal, Andreas: Hva slags likhet? Amartya Sen om funksjoner og mulighetsrom. In: Sosialøkonomen, vol. 3, no. 26-33, 1999. (Type: Journal Article \| Tags: Public policy, Publications) @article{RN23430, title = {Hva slags likhet? Amartya Sen om funksjoner og mulighetsrom}, author = {Andreas Føllesdal}, year = {1999}, date = {1999-01-01}, journal = {Sosialøkonomen}, volume = {3}, number = {26-33}, keywords = {Public policy, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Close
57.	Follesdal, Andreas: Third country nationals as Euro-citizens – the case defended. In: Smith, Dennis; Wright, Sue (Ed.): Whose Europe? The turn towards democracy, pp. 104-122, Blackwell, London, 1999. (Type: Book Chapter \| Abstract \| Links \| Tags: EU – European Union, Publications) @inbook{RN23910, title = {Third country nationals as Euro-citizens - the case defended}, author = {Andreas Follesdal}, editor = {Dennis Smith and Sue Wright}, url = {http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-1998-3rdcntry.rtf}, year = {1999}, date = {1999-01-01}, booktitle = {Whose Europe? The turn towards democracy}, pages = {104-122}, publisher = {Blackwell}, address = {London}, abstract = {Previous versions published as EUI Paper MIG/19 1998. ARENA WP 98/9. The Amsterdam Treaty bolsters Union Citizenship in order to bring the European Union closer to the citizens of Europe. Inadvertently, this strategy gives citizens of non-EU states an inferior status in the European Union, even though they may be semi-permanent residents in a Member State. Union Citizenship increases the social and political exclusion of third country nationals, in violation of the basic democratic principle that those affected by social institutions should also enjoy political levers of influence. The paper first briefly sketches a Liberal Contractualist defence for awarding this group full citizenship in the relevant Member State, arguing in particular for three somewhat contested issues, that a) third country nationals should not only enjoy Union Citizenship, but also be given national citizenship in the Member State of residence. b) Member states may impose conditions, oaths etc. on such prospective citizens. c) Member States may withhold some privileges from those resident third country nationals who refuse to be naturalised. The paper goes on to present and discuss, only to dismiss, the most plausible arguments offered in defence of current practice within the context of a Europe of open borders for Member State citizens. These arguments seek to deny citizenship to third country nationals in order a) To protect national and locally endorsed values ensuring social homogeneity of the community; b) To exclude people with non-liberal values; c) To ensure commitment to a shared future which warrants democratic rights in the first place; d) To avoid instability caused by citizens with conflicting multiple loyalties; e) To ensure and foster the ideal of active political participation, impossible for dual citizens; f) To avoid backlash problems among current EU citizens which threaten the stability of welfare policies of Member States and the EU.}, keywords = {EU - European Union, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } Close Previous versions published as EUI Paper MIG/19 1998. ARENA WP 98/9. The Amsterdam Treaty bolsters Union Citizenship in order to bring the European Union closer to the citizens of Europe. Inadvertently, this strategy gives citizens of non-EU states an inferior status in the European Union, even though they may be semi-permanent residents in a Member State. Union Citizenship increases the social and political exclusion of third country nationals, in violation of the basic democratic principle that those affected by social institutions should also enjoy political levers of influence. The paper first briefly sketches a Liberal Contractualist defence for awarding this group full citizenship in the relevant Member State, arguing in particular for three somewhat contested issues, that a) third country nationals should not only enjoy Union Citizenship, but also be given national citizenship in the Member State of residence. b) Member states may impose conditions, oaths etc. on such prospective citizens. c) Member States may withhold some privileges from those resident third country nationals who refuse to be naturalised. The paper goes on to present and discuss, only to dismiss, the most plausible arguments offered in defence of current practice within the context of a Europe of open borders for Member State citizens. These arguments seek to deny citizenship to third country nationals in order a) To protect national and locally endorsed values ensuring social homogeneity of the community; b) To exclude people with non-liberal values; c) To ensure commitment to a shared future which warrants democratic rights in the first place; d) To avoid instability caused by citizens with conflicting multiple loyalties; e) To ensure and foster the ideal of active political participation, impossible for dual citizens; f) To avoid backlash problems among current EU citizens which threaten the stability of welfare policies of Member States and the EU. Close http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-1998-3rdcntry.rtf Close
56.	Follesdal, Andreas: Sustainable Development, State Sovereignty and International Justice. In: Lafferty, William M.; Langhelle, Oluf (Ed.): Sustainable development: On the aims of development and conditions of sustainability, pp. 70-83, Macmillan, Houndsmills, 1999. (Type: Book Chapter \| Abstract \| Links \| Tags: Human Rights) @inbook{RN24060, title = {Sustainable Development, State Sovereignty and International Justice}, author = {Andreas Follesdal}, editor = {William M. Lafferty and Oluf Langhelle}, url = {http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-1999-sust-dev.rtf}, year = {1999}, date = {1999-01-01}, booktitle = {Sustainable development: On the aims of development and conditions of sustainability}, pages = {70-83}, publisher = {Macmillan}, address = {Houndsmills}, abstract = {The present paper seeks to elaborate and justify the priority of basic needs over environment and sovereignty. This thesis, the Primacy of Human Rights, holds that development strategies should secure the basic needs for today’s poor through respecting human rights - if necessary at the expense of protecting the environment. Moreover, such development strategies may require international aid with ties, contrary to traditional conceptions of state sovereignty. Section 2 outlines aspects of a theory of justice providing a systematic perspective for addressing these concerns. Section 3 defends the Primacy of Human Rights for development strategies. Section 4 addresses the conflicts between human rights and development, while section 5 discusses conflicts regarding human rights and sovereignty. Industrialised countries have obligations towards developing countries if necessary for ecologically justifiable development strategies that also respect human rights. But international aid need not be unconditional: It may be necessary to influence internal conditions in developing countries through economic pressure. Section 6 reflects on some principled objections against the Primacy of Human Rights. We consider an alternative, the Primacy of the Environment, sometimes argued by deep ecologists, which holds that environmental concerns should be of primary importance in the choice of development strategies, and if necessary at the expense of today’s poor. A complete rebuttal of this view is beyond the scope of this paper. The aim is rather to identify the areas of disagreement.}, keywords = {Human Rights}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } Close The present paper seeks to elaborate and justify the priority of basic needs over environment and sovereignty. This thesis, the Primacy of Human Rights, holds that development strategies should secure the basic needs for today’s poor through respecting human rights – if necessary at the expense of protecting the environment. Moreover, such development strategies may require international aid with ties, contrary to traditional conceptions of state sovereignty. Section 2 outlines aspects of a theory of justice providing a systematic perspective for addressing these concerns. Section 3 defends the Primacy of Human Rights for development strategies. Section 4 addresses the conflicts between human rights and development, while section 5 discusses conflicts regarding human rights and sovereignty. Industrialised countries have obligations towards developing countries if necessary for ecologically justifiable development strategies that also respect human rights. But international aid need not be unconditional: It may be necessary to influence internal conditions in developing countries through economic pressure. Section 6 reflects on some principled objections against the Primacy of Human Rights. We consider an alternative, the Primacy of the Environment, sometimes argued by deep ecologists, which holds that environmental concerns should be of primary importance in the choice of development strategies, and if necessary at the expense of today’s poor. A complete rebuttal of this view is beyond the scope of this paper. The aim is rather to identify the areas of disagreement. Close http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-1999-sust-dev.rtf Close
55.	Follesdal, Andreas: Global ethics, culture and development. In: Forum for Development Studies, vol. 4, no. 1, pp. 5–21, 1999. (Type: Journal Article \| Abstract \| Links \| Tags: Public policy, Publications) @article{RN23960, title = {Global ethics, culture and development}, author = {Andreas Follesdal}, url = {http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-1999-global-ethics-culture-dev.rtf}, year = {1999}, date = {1999-01-01}, journal = {Forum for Development Studies}, volume = {4}, number = {1}, pages = {5–21}, abstract = {The report of the UNESCO World Commission on Culture and Development, Our Creative Diversity, addresses how to meet cultural needs in the context of development. The report includes some questionable premises and leaves some dilemmas unresolved, partly due to its vagueness regarding the normative value of culture. Liberal contractualism is presented and defended as a plausible theory for addressing these dilemmas and structuring further debate. At least three issues in the report require modification: (a) Development should not be based on a `Western` conception of autonomous individuals, (b) Pluralism should be respected, but need not be applauded, and (c) The value of culture and belonging must be better expressed and argued.}, keywords = {Public policy, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Close The report of the UNESCO World Commission on Culture and Development, Our Creative Diversity, addresses how to meet cultural needs in the context of development. The report includes some questionable premises and leaves some dilemmas unresolved, partly due to its vagueness regarding the normative value of culture. Liberal contractualism is presented and defended as a plausible theory for addressing these dilemmas and structuring further debate. At least three issues in the report require modification: (a) Development should not be based on a `Western` conception of autonomous individuals, (b) Pluralism should be respected, but need not be applauded, and (c) The value of culture and belonging must be better expressed and argued. Close http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-1999-global-ethics-culture-dev.rtf Close
54.	Føllesdal, Andreas: Internasjonale forpliktelser og demokrati. In: Midgaard, Knut; Rasch, Bjørn Erik (Ed.): Demokrati – vilkår og virkninger, vol. ARENA Reprint 98/6, pp. 337–352, Fagbokforlaget, Bergen, 1998. (Type: Book Chapter \| Abstract \| Tags: Democratic theory, Publications) @inbook{RN23870, title = {Internasjonale forpliktelser og demokrati}, author = {Andreas Føllesdal}, editor = {Knut Midgaard and Bjørn Erik Rasch}, year = {1998}, date = {1998-01-01}, booktitle = {Demokrati - vilkår og virkninger}, volume = {ARENA Reprint 98/6}, pages = {337–352}, publisher = {Fagbokforlaget}, address = {Bergen}, abstract = {Demokrati-teorier må utvides ved landegrensene, både med en teori om internasjonalt demokrati og med en teori om internasjonal fordelingsrettferdighet. Artikkelen bidrar til dette, med utgangspunkt i begrunnelsene for demokratiske ordninger innenfor den liberale kontraktetiske tradisjon fra Kant, Locke og Rawls. Artikkelen avslutter med å drøfte noen konflikter som oppstår mellom kravene om lik politisk kontroll og likeverdige levekår innenfor EU, der nasjonalt selvstyre og internasjonal likhet kommer i konflikt.}, keywords = {Democratic theory, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } Close Demokrati-teorier må utvides ved landegrensene, både med en teori om internasjonalt demokrati og med en teori om internasjonal fordelingsrettferdighet. Artikkelen bidrar til dette, med utgangspunkt i begrunnelsene for demokratiske ordninger innenfor den liberale kontraktetiske tradisjon fra Kant, Locke og Rawls. Artikkelen avslutter med å drøfte noen konflikter som oppstår mellom kravene om lik politisk kontroll og likeverdige levekår innenfor EU, der nasjonalt selvstyre og internasjonal likhet kommer i konflikt. Close
53.	Follesdal, Andreas: Subsidiarity. In: Journal of Political Philosophy, vol. 6, no. 2, pp. 190-218, 1998. (Type: Journal Article \| Abstract \| Links \| Tags: EU – European Union, Federalism, Publications, Subsidiarity) @article{RN19890, title = {Subsidiarity}, author = {Andreas Follesdal}, url = {http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-1998-subsid.rtf}, doi = {10.1111/1467-9760.00052}, year = {1998}, date = {1998-01-01}, journal = {Journal of Political Philosophy}, volume = {6}, number = {2}, pages = {190-218}, abstract = {The principle of subsidiarity regulates authority within a political order, placing the burden of argument with attempts to centralize authority. It has come to recent political prominence through its inclusion in the Maastricht treaty on European Union., intended to quell fears of centralization. However, the principle increases and shapes such tensions due to disagreement about formulations and possible institutional roles. Alternative accounts have strikingly different institutional implications regarding the objectives of the polity, the domain and role of sub-units, and the allocation of authority to apply the principle of subsidiarity itself. The need for a political theory of subsidiarity thus established, five alternative normative justifications of conceptions of subsidiarity are presented and assessed, illustrated by reference to the European Union. Few of the arguments constitute full theories addressing all issues of interpretation and application. Two arguments from liberty – Althusius and Confederalism – are addressed, one argument from efficiency (fiscal or economic federalism), and two arguments from justice: a Catholic argument based on Personalism and liberal contractualism. The order roughly reflects the decreasing autonomy of sub-units granted by each argument..}, keywords = {EU - European Union, Federalism, Publications, Subsidiarity}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Close The principle of subsidiarity regulates authority within a political order, placing the burden of argument with attempts to centralize authority. It has come to recent political prominence through its inclusion in the Maastricht treaty on European Union., intended to quell fears of centralization. However, the principle increases and shapes such tensions due to disagreement about formulations and possible institutional roles. Alternative accounts have strikingly different institutional implications regarding the objectives of the polity, the domain and role of sub-units, and the allocation of authority to apply the principle of subsidiarity itself. The need for a political theory of subsidiarity thus established, five alternative normative justifications of conceptions of subsidiarity are presented and assessed, illustrated by reference to the European Union. Few of the arguments constitute full theories addressing all issues of interpretation and application. Two arguments from liberty – Althusius and Confederalism – are addressed, one argument from efficiency (fiscal or economic federalism), and two arguments from justice: a Catholic argument based on Personalism and liberal contractualism. The order roughly reflects the decreasing autonomy of sub-units granted by each argument.. Close http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-1998-subsid.rtf doi:10.1111/1467-9760.00052 Close
52.	Follesdal, Andreas: On the outside looking in: The view from Norway. In: Die Union: Vierteljahreszeitschrift für integrationsfragen, vol. 4, pp. 73–84, 1998. (Type: Journal Article \| Abstract \| Links \| Tags: EU – European Union, Publications) @article{RN23880, title = {On the outside looking in: The view from Norway}, author = {Andreas Follesdal}, url = {http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-1998-const-eu-Vienna1998.rtf}, year = {1998}, date = {1998-01-01}, journal = {Die Union: Vierteljahreszeitschrift für integrationsfragen}, volume = {4}, pages = {73–84}, abstract = {From a Colloquium on A European Transnational Constitution, Vienna, Austria.}, keywords = {EU - European Union, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Close From a Colloquium on A European Transnational Constitution, Vienna, Austria. Close http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-1998-const-eu-Vienna1998.rtf Close
51.	Follesdal, Andreas: Democracy, legitimacy and majority rule in the EU. In: Weale, Albert; Nentwich, Michael (Ed.): Political Theory and the European Union: Legitimacy, constitutional choice and citizenship, pp. 34-48, Routledge, London, 1998. (Type: Book Chapter \| Abstract \| Links \| Tags: Democratic theory, EU – European Union, Human Rights, Publications) @inbook{RN16220, title = {Democracy, legitimacy and majority rule in the EU}, author = {Andreas Follesdal}, editor = {Albert Weale and Michael Nentwich}, url = {http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-1997-dem-maj.rtf}, year = {1998}, date = {1998-01-01}, booktitle = {Political Theory and the European Union: Legitimacy, constitutional choice and citizenship}, pages = {34-48}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, abstract = {When it is said that the European Union has suffered from a democratic deficit, the term 'democracy' is used to lament several separate lacunas. The aim of the present paper is to explore the relations between two of the senses in which 'democracy' is said to have been missing in the European Union.Democracy as Legitimacy: Institutions, as all other rules that regulate behaviour, should be legitimate in several senses. We are only morally obligated to obey normatively legitimate institutions. That is: they must be justifiable to the 'demos', to all affected parties. Normative legitimacy requires a presentation and justification of such principles of legitimacy for the European Union, as well as transparency of its institutions. Only then can the public assess whether principles of legitimacy are satisfied. At present, we have neither such a theory of justice, nor the requisite transparency. Democracy as Majority Rule: 'Democracy' is also used to describe the decision procedures of institutions whereby the preference of the majority of the electorate determines the result. Suggestions abound that the institutions should be changed to increase the role of majority rule as a central structure for citizen participation. The precise relations and implications between these two senses of democracy – of normative legitimacy and of majority rule – are contested and obscure.The aim of this paper is to explore these relations from a particular contractualist perspective, addressing some specific issues regarding the relevance of consent, and indicating how this approach frames the practical arguments about institutional reform witnessed in the Amsterdam Treaty and beyond. Section 1 provides a sketch of a Liberal Contractualist theory of normative legitimacy. Section 2 brings this perspective to bear on claims to majoritarian mechanisms, and section 3 considers some contractualist constraints on majority rule. In conclusion I note how the contested ends of the European Union are central to a satisfactory resolution of these issues. As long as the explicit aim of the union was economic, increased efficiency was easily interpreted as Pareto-improvements within a utilitarian setting. The task of the European Union was previously predominantly to secure peace and stability through free markets, leaving matters of distribution and authority aside, in accordance with standard (though by no means uncontroversial) economic theory. The European Union now has much broader political aspirations. Its objectives, criteria of efficiency, and the role of majoritarian mechanisms must be reconsidered accordingly. The choice of means become more important as economic benefit is supplemented by other political goals. Transparency and the rule of law, majority rule, distributive justice, and human rights all become central issues. They cannot be regarded merely as ideals to be pursued on a par with economic efficiency, but are conditions of justice if the European Union indeed is to become and appear legitimate.}, keywords = {Democratic theory, EU - European Union, Human Rights, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } Close When it is said that the European Union has suffered from a democratic deficit, the term ‘democracy’ is used to lament several separate lacunas. The aim of the present paper is to explore the relations between two of the senses in which ‘democracy’ is said to have been missing in the European Union.Democracy as Legitimacy: Institutions, as all other rules that regulate behaviour, should be legitimate in several senses. We are only morally obligated to obey normatively legitimate institutions. That is: they must be justifiable to the ‘demos’, to all affected parties. Normative legitimacy requires a presentation and justification of such principles of legitimacy for the European Union, as well as transparency of its institutions. Only then can the public assess whether principles of legitimacy are satisfied. At present, we have neither such a theory of justice, nor the requisite transparency. Democracy as Majority Rule: ‘Democracy’ is also used to describe the decision procedures of institutions whereby the preference of the majority of the electorate determines the result. Suggestions abound that the institutions should be changed to increase the role of majority rule as a central structure for citizen participation. The precise relations and implications between these two senses of democracy – of normative legitimacy and of majority rule – are contested and obscure.The aim of this paper is to explore these relations from a particular contractualist perspective, addressing some specific issues regarding the relevance of consent, and indicating how this approach frames the practical arguments about institutional reform witnessed in the Amsterdam Treaty and beyond. Section 1 provides a sketch of a Liberal Contractualist theory of normative legitimacy. Section 2 brings this perspective to bear on claims to majoritarian mechanisms, and section 3 considers some contractualist constraints on majority rule. In conclusion I note how the contested ends of the European Union are central to a satisfactory resolution of these issues. As long as the explicit aim of the union was economic, increased efficiency was easily interpreted as Pareto-improvements within a utilitarian setting. The task of the European Union was previously predominantly to secure peace and stability through free markets, leaving matters of distribution and authority aside, in accordance with standard (though by no means uncontroversial) economic theory. The European Union now has much broader political aspirations. Its objectives, criteria of efficiency, and the role of majoritarian mechanisms must be reconsidered accordingly. The choice of means become more important as economic benefit is supplemented by other political goals. Transparency and the rule of law, majority rule, distributive justice, and human rights all become central issues. They cannot be regarded merely as ideals to be pursued on a par with economic efficiency, but are conditions of justice if the European Union indeed is to become and appear legitimate. Close http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-1997-dem-maj.rtf Close
50.	Follesdal, Andreas: Culture and the environment: Coping with conflicting goals and cultural diversity. In: Our Creative Diversity –A Critical Perspective, pp. 109-116, 1998. (Type: Journal Article \| Abstract \| Links \| Tags: Gender, Publications) @article{RN23820, title = {Culture and the environment: Coping with conflicting goals and cultural diversity}, author = {Andreas Follesdal}, url = {http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-1998-cult-env.rtf}, year = {1998}, date = {1998-01-01}, journal = {Our Creative Diversity –A Critical Perspective}, pages = {109-116}, abstract = {How should we approach the hard choices regarding conflicts between existing cultures on the one hand and on the other hand developmental goals, environmental long-term considerations and 'global ethics'? These notes offer a sketch in broad strokes of a political theory addressing these issues. In particular, a concern is to provide a framework for discussions on a basis which respects cultural diversity, in that it is not objectionably based on 'Western' or liberal assumptions about individuals as choosers of life plans. The aim is to yield some reflections on two central policy issues of the document Our Creative Diversity: a) The conception of development as expanding human capabilities, which in turns affects the conception of environmental degradation, and b) the basis for claims to rights to culture. Such a basis should allow us to accommodate both respect for a broad range of cultures and a basis for objecting to some aspects of some cultures, eg. those that hinder the appropriate kinds of development by violating certain norms of gender equality or by preventing the satisfaction of basic needs.}, keywords = {Gender, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Close How should we approach the hard choices regarding conflicts between existing cultures on the one hand and on the other hand developmental goals, environmental long-term considerations and ‘global ethics’? These notes offer a sketch in broad strokes of a political theory addressing these issues. In particular, a concern is to provide a framework for discussions on a basis which respects cultural diversity, in that it is not objectionably based on ‘Western’ or liberal assumptions about individuals as choosers of life plans. The aim is to yield some reflections on two central policy issues of the document Our Creative Diversity: a) The conception of development as expanding human capabilities, which in turns affects the conception of environmental degradation, and b) the basis for claims to rights to culture. Such a basis should allow us to accommodate both respect for a broad range of cultures and a basis for objecting to some aspects of some cultures, eg. those that hinder the appropriate kinds of development by violating certain norms of gender equality or by preventing the satisfaction of basic needs. Close http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-1998-cult-env.rtf Close
49.	Follesdal, Andreas: Communitarian criticisms of Liberal Contractualism: an account and a defense. In: Brinkhuis, Frank; Talmor, Sasha (Ed.): Memory, History and Critique: European Identity at the Millennium, pp. 10, MIT, Cambridge, Mass., 1998. (Type: Book Chapter \| Abstract \| Links \| Tags: EU – European Union, John Rawls, Publications) @inbook{RN17830, title = {Communitarian criticisms of Liberal Contractualism: an account and a defense}, author = {Andreas Follesdal}, editor = {Frank Brinkhuis and Sasha Talmor}, url = {http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-1998-commcrit.rtf}, year = {1998}, date = {1998-01-01}, booktitle = {Memory, History and Critique: European Identity at the Millennium}, pages = {10}, publisher = {MIT}, address = {Cambridge, Mass.}, abstract = {The normative significance of Europe and its member states is shifting. This paper considers and rebuts several communitarian objections against contractualist theories of global distributive justice, which can be brought to bear on the issues. Communitarian theories must draw on contractualist or similar traditions in order to illuminate the normative aspects of Europeanisation. The communitarian approaches, focussing on shared practices, constitutive identities and embedded loyalties, are ill equipped to assess the alternatives and agenda currently facing Europe. Communitarians stress that we have special duties, "obligations of membership", towards our own community or society, partly because it helps constitute our common life, which is an important good. It is said that contractualism cannot account for these important features of our moral life in the proper way. It fails to acknowledge our "embedded" nature, with loyalties we are born into and instead assumes that we are "atomistic" individuals, and community is not recognized as a good. Moreover, contractualism is criticized because such theories impose external standards, alien to the existing culture, which do not permit cultural variations. These criticisms fail to hold against some contractualist theories, which recognize that our common life – the institutions, practices and roles that surround us – is an important good. Moreover, I argue that John Rawls' theory of Justice as Fairness, a central contribution of liberal contractualism, is itself communitarian, if only in the particular sense that it is exclusively concerned with the important internal goods of communities and social institutions.}, keywords = {EU - European Union, John Rawls, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } Close The normative significance of Europe and its member states is shifting. This paper considers and rebuts several communitarian objections against contractualist theories of global distributive justice, which can be brought to bear on the issues. Communitarian theories must draw on contractualist or similar traditions in order to illuminate the normative aspects of Europeanisation. The communitarian approaches, focussing on shared practices, constitutive identities and embedded loyalties, are ill equipped to assess the alternatives and agenda currently facing Europe. Communitarians stress that we have special duties, “obligations of membership”, towards our own community or society, partly because it helps constitute our common life, which is an important good. It is said that contractualism cannot account for these important features of our moral life in the proper way. It fails to acknowledge our “embedded” nature, with loyalties we are born into and instead assumes that we are “atomistic” individuals, and community is not recognized as a good. Moreover, contractualism is criticized because such theories impose external standards, alien to the existing culture, which do not permit cultural variations. These criticisms fail to hold against some contractualist theories, which recognize that our common life – the institutions, practices and roles that surround us – is an important good. Moreover, I argue that John Rawls’ theory of Justice as Fairness, a central contribution of liberal contractualism, is itself communitarian, if only in the particular sense that it is exclusively concerned with the important internal goods of communities and social institutions. Close http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-1998-commcrit.rtf Close
48.	Koslowski, Peter; Follesdal, Andreas: Restructuring the Welfare State: Theory and Practice of Social Policy. Springer Verlag, 1997. (Type: Book \| Tags: Edited books) @book{RN13470, title = {Restructuring the Welfare State: Theory and Practice of Social Policy}, author = {Peter Koslowski and Andreas Follesdal}, year = {1997}, date = {1997-01-01}, publisher = {Springer Verlag}, series = {Issues in Economic Ethics and Philosophy}, keywords = {Edited books}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {book} } Close
47.	Føllesdal, Andreas: Utfordringer for velferdsstaten. In: Praktisk økonomi og ledelse, vol. 2, pp. 105–111, 1997. (Type: Journal Article \| Tags: Public policy, Publications) @article{RN23760, title = {Utfordringer for velferdsstaten}, author = {Andreas Føllesdal}, year = {1997}, date = {1997-01-01}, journal = {Praktisk økonomi og ledelse}, volume = {2}, pages = {105–111}, keywords = {Public policy, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Close
46.	Føllesdal, Andreas: Strategier mot diskriminering og rasisme: Likestilling som mål, rettighetsfesting og holdningskampanjer som middel?. In: Holdningsdannelse og etniske minoriteter, pp. 36–44, Dansk Flygtningehjælp -, København, 1997. (Type: Book Chapter \| Tags: Diversity, Publications) @inbook{RN23750, title = {Strategier mot diskriminering og rasisme: Likestilling som mål, rettighetsfesting og holdningskampanjer som middel?}, author = {Andreas Føllesdal}, year = {1997}, date = {1997-01-01}, booktitle = {Holdningsdannelse og etniske minoriteter}, pages = {36–44}, publisher = {Dansk Flygtningehjælp -}, address = {København}, keywords = {Diversity, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } Close
45.	Follesdal, Andreas; Matlary, Janne H.; Lie, Ragnar; Olsen, Johan P.; Sand, Inger J.; Skogerbo, Eli: Dynamics of Europe. Europeanisation of the Nation-State. ARENA’s Research Profile. 1997. (Type: Technical Report \| Links \| Tags: EU – European Union, Publications) @techreport{RN23800, title = {Dynamics of Europe. Europeanisation of the Nation-State. ARENA's Research Profile}, author = {Andreas Follesdal and Janne H. Matlary and Ragnar Lie and Johan P. Olsen and Inger J. Sand and Eli Skogerbo}, url = {http://www.arena.uio.no}, year = {1997}, date = {1997-01-01}, keywords = {EU - European Union, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {techreport} } Close http://www.arena.uio.no Close
44.	Follesdal, Andreas; Koslowski, Peter: Democracy and the European Union. Springer, Berlin, 1997. (Type: Book \| Abstract \| Tags: Democratic theory, Edited books, EU – European Union, Publications) @book{RN19900, title = {Democracy and the European Union}, author = {Andreas Follesdal and Peter Koslowski}, year = {1997}, date = {1997-01-01}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Berlin}, abstract = {The European Union is a new subject for theories of legitimacy, and poses fundamental challenges to the established concepts and principles of democratic theory. The mere existence of the EU proves that the sovereign state cannot remain the sole focus of normative reflection. Indeed, the very conception of sovereignty is at stake in current disputes about the proper scope and legal powers to be transferred to central European institutions, without divesting traditional member states of all powers. The question of legitimate governance is raised anew, regarding the exercise of legal powers in Europe. The legitimacy of such transnational institutions born by political integration has so far received some, but scant attention. The task of normative political theory is to offer concepts, arguments and criteria that further these debate, addressing problems of principle. The peoples of Europe, weaned on democratic institutions at home, are alarmed by the transfer of powers out of their reach. Careful and well-informed deliberations in normative political theory must be brought to bear on the range of alternatives. The present volume contributes to this important task.}, keywords = {Democratic theory, Edited books, EU - European Union, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {book} } Close The European Union is a new subject for theories of legitimacy, and poses fundamental challenges to the established concepts and principles of democratic theory. The mere existence of the EU proves that the sovereign state cannot remain the sole focus of normative reflection. Indeed, the very conception of sovereignty is at stake in current disputes about the proper scope and legal powers to be transferred to central European institutions, without divesting traditional member states of all powers. The question of legitimate governance is raised anew, regarding the exercise of legal powers in Europe. The legitimacy of such transnational institutions born by political integration has so far received some, but scant attention. The task of normative political theory is to offer concepts, arguments and criteria that further these debate, addressing problems of principle. The peoples of Europe, weaned on democratic institutions at home, are alarmed by the transfer of powers out of their reach. Careful and well-informed deliberations in normative political theory must be brought to bear on the range of alternatives. The present volume contributes to this important task. Close
43.	Follesdal, Andreas: What is at stake? Basic needs, functionings and other interests as grounds for claims. In: LOS Notat 9713., 1997. (Type: Journal Article \| Links \| Tags: Public policy, Publications) @article{RN23790, title = {What is at stake? Basic needs, functionings and other interests as grounds for claims}, author = {Andreas Follesdal}, url = {http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-1997-basic-needs-index.rtf}, year = {1997}, date = {1997-01-01}, booktitle = {LOS Notat 9713.}, journal = {LOS Notat 9713.}, address = {AF ARENA C11 forskdok WEB-PUBL}, keywords = {Public policy, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Close http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-1997-basic-needs-index.rtf Close
42.	Follesdal, Andreas: The Welfare State under Siege. In: Geer, Hans De; Silfverberg, (Ed.): Citizens’ Trust and Authorities’ Choices – Ethics in the Public Service, pp. 65–70, Stockholm School of Economics, Center for Ethics and Economics, Stockholm, 1997. (Type: Book Chapter \| Tags: Public policy, Publications) @inbook{RN23780, title = {The Welfare State under Siege}, author = {Andreas Follesdal}, editor = {Hans De Geer and Silfverberg}, year = {1997}, date = {1997-01-01}, booktitle = {Citizens' Trust and Authorities' Choices - Ethics in the Public Service}, pages = {65–70}, publisher = {Stockholm School of Economics, Center for Ethics and Economics}, address = {Stockholm}, keywords = {Public policy, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } Close
41.	Follesdal, Andreas: The standing of illiberal states: Stability and toleration in John Rawls’ “Law of Peoples”. In: Koller, P.; Puhl, K. (Ed.): Current Issues in Political Philosophy: Justice in Society and World Order, pp. 165-174, Verlag Hölder-Pichler-Tempsky, Vienna, 1997. (Type: Book Chapter \| Abstract \| Links \| Tags: John Rawls) @inbook{RN17020, title = {The standing of illiberal states: Stability and toleration in John Rawls' "Law of Peoples"}, author = {Andreas Follesdal}, editor = {P. Koller and K. Puhl}, url = {http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-1997-lawpeopl.rtf}, year = {1997}, date = {1997-01-01}, booktitle = {Current Issues in Political Philosophy: Justice in Society and World Order}, pages = {165-174}, publisher = {Verlag Hölder-Pichler-Tempsky}, address = {Vienna}, series = {Schriftenreie der Wittgenstein-Gesellschaft vol. 24.}, abstract = {Based on "The Standing of States" 1996. John Rawls' "Law of Peoples" (1993) extends the theory of Justice as Fairness to the relations between states. A satisfactory extension must alleviate worries about stability of the world order, as well as delimit the scope of toleration towards non-liberal states. These concerns are important, but the account of liberal toleration presented in '"Law of Peoples" fails to offer a satisfactory response. Moreover, it is incompatible with the normative individualism underpinning Rawls' approach regarding domestic justice. The Law of Peoples awards moral standing to some political communities, "hierarchical societies", which deny basic liberties and justify institutions by appeal to one comprehensive conception of the good. A more satisfactory alternative theory of justice for international relations justifies more extensive universal asprations and distributive implications. It is argued that this alternative theory of global justice is not unduly liberal, and does not threaten the stability of a just world order.}, keywords = {John Rawls}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } Close Based on “The Standing of States” 1996. John Rawls’ “Law of Peoples” (1993) extends the theory of Justice as Fairness to the relations between states. A satisfactory extension must alleviate worries about stability of the world order, as well as delimit the scope of toleration towards non-liberal states. These concerns are important, but the account of liberal toleration presented in ‘”Law of Peoples” fails to offer a satisfactory response. Moreover, it is incompatible with the normative individualism underpinning Rawls’ approach regarding domestic justice. The Law of Peoples awards moral standing to some political communities, “hierarchical societies”, which deny basic liberties and justify institutions by appeal to one comprehensive conception of the good. A more satisfactory alternative theory of justice for international relations justifies more extensive universal asprations and distributive implications. It is argued that this alternative theory of global justice is not unduly liberal, and does not threaten the stability of a just world order. Close http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-1997-lawpeopl.rtf Close
40.	Follesdal, Andreas: Do welfare obligations end at the boundaries of the nation state?. In: Follesdal, Andreas; Koslowski, Peter (Ed.): Restructuring the Welfare State: Theory and reform of social policy, pp. 145-163, Springer, Berlin, 1997. (Type: Book Chapter \| Abstract \| Links \| Tags: EU – European Union, John Rawls, Publications) @inbook{RN15900, title = {Do welfare obligations end at the boundaries of the nation state?}, author = {Andreas Follesdal}, editor = {Andreas Follesdal and Peter Koslowski}, url = {http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-1997-welfboun.rtf}, year = {1997}, date = {1997-01-01}, booktitle = {Restructuring the Welfare State: Theory and reform of social policy}, pages = {145-163}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Berlin}, abstract = {Shifting notions of sovereignty may affect the scope of application and content of principles of just distribution: the scope of our welfare obligations may legitimately be affected by state borders. The article takes for granted the egalitarian commitment of many welfare states, and pursue the international implications of this commitment. In section 2 I summarize various arguments offered in favor of the Priority of Compatriots. In section 3 I present several arguments against domestic inequality. Section 4 argues that a further claim to equal shares, is a reasonable demand to make among citizens of democratic welfare states. John Rawls' A Theory of Justice (1971) offers what is perhaps the most convincing defense of the liberal egalitarian welfare state. However, his contribution takes as its prime subject domestic justice, leaving aside the implications for global distribution. My defense of equal shares is compatible with Rawls' account, and it allows us, in section 5, to bring the arguments against inequality and for equality to bear on the issue of global and regional distribution. I conclude that legitimate global regimes must secure the satisfaction of the basic needs of all, but not necessarily secure equal shares for all participants. In section 6 I consider some peculiar normative issues arising within the European Union, where states have partly pooled their sovereignty. I suggest that the shared institutions of the EU support claims to equal shares among the inhabitants: the same egalitarian arguments appear to hold among them as hold among fellow citizens of a state. Equal shares of political power, of social opportunities, and of income and wealth, among citizens in the EU is a requirement of justice, based on the nature of their social co-operation under the four freedoms. Thus a legitimate EU may not be limited to maintaining a free market: 'real' convergence and solidarity within the EU must go beyond the alleviation of poverty, towards securing equal standards of living. State sovereignty must therefore be restricted, for the benefit of central institutions aiming to secure equality. The claims to equality I sketch do not exhaust the normative relevance of political borders. In conclusion, in section 7, I therefore note countervailing considerations and further important areas of normative reflection regarding a theory of global distributive justice. For instance, our concern for equality comes into conflict with another important of our interests: democratic self-governance, allowing a diversity of social arrangements.}, keywords = {EU - European Union, John Rawls, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } Close Shifting notions of sovereignty may affect the scope of application and content of principles of just distribution: the scope of our welfare obligations may legitimately be affected by state borders. The article takes for granted the egalitarian commitment of many welfare states, and pursue the international implications of this commitment. In section 2 I summarize various arguments offered in favor of the Priority of Compatriots. In section 3 I present several arguments against domestic inequality. Section 4 argues that a further claim to equal shares, is a reasonable demand to make among citizens of democratic welfare states. John Rawls’ A Theory of Justice (1971) offers what is perhaps the most convincing defense of the liberal egalitarian welfare state. However, his contribution takes as its prime subject domestic justice, leaving aside the implications for global distribution. My defense of equal shares is compatible with Rawls’ account, and it allows us, in section 5, to bring the arguments against inequality and for equality to bear on the issue of global and regional distribution. I conclude that legitimate global regimes must secure the satisfaction of the basic needs of all, but not necessarily secure equal shares for all participants. In section 6 I consider some peculiar normative issues arising within the European Union, where states have partly pooled their sovereignty. I suggest that the shared institutions of the EU support claims to equal shares among the inhabitants: the same egalitarian arguments appear to hold among them as hold among fellow citizens of a state. Equal shares of political power, of social opportunities, and of income and wealth, among citizens in the EU is a requirement of justice, based on the nature of their social co-operation under the four freedoms. Thus a legitimate EU may not be limited to maintaining a free market: ‘real’ convergence and solidarity within the EU must go beyond the alleviation of poverty, towards securing equal standards of living. State sovereignty must therefore be restricted, for the benefit of central institutions aiming to secure equality. The claims to equality I sketch do not exhaust the normative relevance of political borders. In conclusion, in section 7, I therefore note countervailing considerations and further important areas of normative reflection regarding a theory of global distributive justice. For instance, our concern for equality comes into conflict with another important of our interests: democratic self-governance, allowing a diversity of social arrangements. Close http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-1997-welfboun.rtf Close
39.	Follesdal, Andreas: Democracy in the European Union: The Need for Theory. In: Center for offentlig organisasjon og styring, Denmark, no. Report 2/1997, 1997. (Type: Journal Article \| Abstract \| Links \| Tags: Democratic theory, EU – European Union, Publications) @article{RN23710, title = {Democracy in the European Union: The Need for Theory}, author = {Andreas Follesdal}, url = {http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-1997-EU-demdk.rtf}, year = {1997}, date = {1997-01-01}, booktitle = {Center for offentlig organisasjon og styring, Denmark}, journal = {Center for offentlig organisasjon og styring, Denmark}, number = {Report 2/1997}, address = {FORSKDOK AF ARENA C11 WEB-PUBL}, abstract = {The legitimacy of the trans-national institutions born by European integration has so far received some, but scant attention. The task of normative political theory is to offer concepts, arguments and criteria that further these debate, addressing problems of principle.}, keywords = {Democratic theory, EU - European Union, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Close The legitimacy of the trans-national institutions born by European integration has so far received some, but scant attention. The task of normative political theory is to offer concepts, arguments and criteria that further these debate, addressing problems of principle. Close http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-1997-EU-demdk.rtf Close
38.	Follesdal, Andreas: Democracy and the European Union: Challenges. In: Andreas, Follesdal; Koslowski, Peter (Ed.): Democracy and the European Union: Studies in Economic Ethics and Philosophy, pp. 1-10, Springer, Berlin, 1997. (Type: Book Chapter \| Abstract \| Links \| Tags: Democratic theory, EU – European Union, Publications) @inbook{RN23700, title = {Democracy and the European Union: Challenges}, author = {Andreas Follesdal}, editor = {Follesdal Andreas and Peter Koslowski}, url = {http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-1997-dem-bkgd.rtf}, year = {1997}, date = {1997-01-01}, booktitle = {Democracy and the European Union: Studies in Economic Ethics and Philosophy}, pages = {1-10}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Berlin}, abstract = {The legitimacy of trans-state institutions in the European Union can hardly be determined without keen regard for whether and why they should exist, and whence they arose. Theories of democracy have not only endorsed universal suffrage, but also justified more specific details. The commonplaces include constitutionally specified procedures and constraints, including the division of legislative, executive and judicial powers; transparency; accountability of elected representatives to the electorate; and majority rule. The European Union is a new subject for theories of legitimacy, and poses fundamental challenges to the established concepts and principles of democratic theory. The mere existence of the EU proves that the sovereign state cannot remain the sole focus of normative reflection. Indeed, the very conception of sovereignty is at stake in current disputes about the proper scope and legal powers to be transferred to central European institutions, without divesting traditional member states of all powers. Pivotal parts of the decisions of the EU are subject to neither watch nor control by the citizens of member states, neither directly nor by their representatives. Furthermore, what control and accountability there is runs counter to received democratic theory. The project of European integration may be only the latest fain attempt at embodying the ancient ideals of democratic rule in polities far from the Greek polis. But the democratic deficit of the European Union need not herald tragic choices among incompatible values. For the issue of designing political institutions of Europe, it is simply too early to tell. Creative and politically astute research and negotiations may increase the range of institutional alternatives. And careful and well-informed deliberations in normative political theory must be brought to bear on the range of alternatives. The present volume contributes to this important task.}, keywords = {Democratic theory, EU - European Union, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } Close The legitimacy of trans-state institutions in the European Union can hardly be determined without keen regard for whether and why they should exist, and whence they arose. Theories of democracy have not only endorsed universal suffrage, but also justified more specific details. The commonplaces include constitutionally specified procedures and constraints, including the division of legislative, executive and judicial powers; transparency; accountability of elected representatives to the electorate; and majority rule. The European Union is a new subject for theories of legitimacy, and poses fundamental challenges to the established concepts and principles of democratic theory. The mere existence of the EU proves that the sovereign state cannot remain the sole focus of normative reflection. Indeed, the very conception of sovereignty is at stake in current disputes about the proper scope and legal powers to be transferred to central European institutions, without divesting traditional member states of all powers. Pivotal parts of the decisions of the EU are subject to neither watch nor control by the citizens of member states, neither directly nor by their representatives. Furthermore, what control and accountability there is runs counter to received democratic theory. The project of European integration may be only the latest fain attempt at embodying the ancient ideals of democratic rule in polities far from the Greek polis. But the democratic deficit of the European Union need not herald tragic choices among incompatible values. For the issue of designing political institutions of Europe, it is simply too early to tell. Creative and politically astute research and negotiations may increase the range of institutional alternatives. And careful and well-informed deliberations in normative political theory must be brought to bear on the range of alternatives. The present volume contributes to this important task. Close http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-1997-dem-bkgd.rtf Close
37.	Follesdal, Andreas: Democracy and Federalism in the EU: a Liberal Contractualist Perspective. In: Follesdal, Andreas; Koslowski, Peter (Ed.): Democracy and the European Union: Studies in Economic Ethics and Philosophy, vol. ARENA Reprint 98/9, pp. 231-253, Springer, Berlin, 1997. (Type: Book Chapter \| Abstract \| Links \| Tags: Democratic theory, EU – European Union, Federalism, Publications) @inbook{RN23690, title = {Democracy and Federalism in the EU: a Liberal Contractualist Perspective}, author = {Andreas Follesdal}, editor = {Andreas Follesdal and Peter Koslowski}, url = {msFollesdal-1997-fed-dem.rtf}, year = {1997}, date = {1997-01-01}, booktitle = {Democracy and the European Union: Studies in Economic Ethics and Philosophy}, volume = {ARENA Reprint 98/9}, pages = {231-253}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Berlin}, abstract = {The status of states in the European Union raises fundamental normative questions for a theory of federalism. The normative issue of concern here arise in federal arrangements where member states differ in population size, as in the EU. The central decision procedures may accord all member states equal power, or make the voting power of all Europeans equal, but not both. Should states or citizens be equal? A normative theory of federations must address two main topics. Institutions should recognize and authorize communities or states only insofar as such allocation of authority are sound ways of securing the interests of some individuals of these states. Standards of legitimacy must be developed, either to hold for all federations, or to serve as guides for the elaboration of specific criteria for each particular federation. Unfortunately, neither kind of principles have yet been developed. Secondly, federal arrangements appear to run afoul of the norms of equal political rights and majority rule. Consider: by entrenching the equality of states, a minority of voters living in several less populated states may override a majority of the citizens in the federation. This clearly runs counter to the normative bases for majoritarian voting procedures, which insist that the vote of each individual should count the same. I sketch a contractualist defense for the equal political rights of states within federal arrangements. On this view it is consistent with liberal contractualism that small states in federal arrangements wield powers out of proportion with their population size. This contractualist argument is contingent on empirical claims which must eventually be supported by evidence beyond the auspices of normative political theory; the task here is only to sketch the argumentative strategy and defend it against certain objections. Section II sketches some fragments of a contractualist normative theory, focusing on the motivational assumptions and the case for majority rule. To allow a better grasp of the normative implications of this view, section III considers some of the arguments traditionally offered in favor of federal arrangements. Section IV brings liberal contractualism to bear on the puzzle of federalism.}, keywords = {Democratic theory, EU - European Union, Federalism, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } Close The status of states in the European Union raises fundamental normative questions for a theory of federalism. The normative issue of concern here arise in federal arrangements where member states differ in population size, as in the EU. The central decision procedures may accord all member states equal power, or make the voting power of all Europeans equal, but not both. Should states or citizens be equal? A normative theory of federations must address two main topics. Institutions should recognize and authorize communities or states only insofar as such allocation of authority are sound ways of securing the interests of some individuals of these states. Standards of legitimacy must be developed, either to hold for all federations, or to serve as guides for the elaboration of specific criteria for each particular federation. Unfortunately, neither kind of principles have yet been developed. Secondly, federal arrangements appear to run afoul of the norms of equal political rights and majority rule. Consider: by entrenching the equality of states, a minority of voters living in several less populated states may override a majority of the citizens in the federation. This clearly runs counter to the normative bases for majoritarian voting procedures, which insist that the vote of each individual should count the same. I sketch a contractualist defense for the equal political rights of states within federal arrangements. On this view it is consistent with liberal contractualism that small states in federal arrangements wield powers out of proportion with their population size. This contractualist argument is contingent on empirical claims which must eventually be supported by evidence beyond the auspices of normative political theory; the task here is only to sketch the argumentative strategy and defend it against certain objections. Section II sketches some fragments of a contractualist normative theory, focusing on the motivational assumptions and the case for majority rule. To allow a better grasp of the normative implications of this view, section III considers some of the arguments traditionally offered in favor of federal arrangements. Section IV brings liberal contractualism to bear on the puzzle of federalism. Close msFollesdal-1997-fed-dem.rtf Close
36.	Follesdal, Andreas: Citizenship and Political Rights in the European Union: Consensus and Questions. In: Bauböck, Reiner; Melchior, Josef (Ed.): Grundrechte in der Europäischen Union, pp. 43-51, Institut für Höhere Studien., Wien, 1997. (Type: Book Chapter \| Abstract \| Links \| Tags: Democratic theory, EU – European Union, Publications) @inbook{RN23680, title = {Citizenship and Political Rights in the European Union: Consensus and Questions}, author = {Andreas Follesdal}, editor = {Reiner Bauböck and Josef Melchior}, url = {http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-1997-citpoleu.rtf}, year = {1997}, date = {1997-01-01}, booktitle = {Grundrechte in der Europäischen Union}, pages = {43-51}, publisher = {Institut für Höhere Studien.}, address = {Wien}, abstract = {Proceedings of the Austrian Dialogue on Political and Social Rights in the EU. 1) Fragments of a Democratic Theory of Europe acceptable argument for democracy and majority rule must show that such distribution of political control are to our knowledge the most reliable mechanisms for securing and promoting the interests of all affected parties to an acceptable degree. Such a defence is comparative and cautious. All those affected by social institutions, should have an equal say in how these institutions should operate. Majority rule among all affected parties, carefully circumscribed, is the best flawed institutional arrangement securing the equal worth and respect of all affected parties. An argument of this form also seems to hold at the European level. For citizens in the European Union today, domestic democratic arrangements are insufficient. The domestic electorate and the affected no longer match. 2) Can such a theory command consensus? Four objections can be mentioned, all of which can receive adequate response. a) No appeal to shared history or destiny? b) Stretches altruism and empathy too far? c) Outsiders? d) Means of Will Formation? 3) Challenges to such a Democratic Theory of Europe a) Theory of justice for Europe: what are common good and civic virtues? b) The future of the Member States and state citizenship c) Allocation of powers among individuals, states, and EU institutions d) Outsiders: Non-EU permanent residents}, keywords = {Democratic theory, EU - European Union, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } Close Proceedings of the Austrian Dialogue on Political and Social Rights in the EU. 1) Fragments of a Democratic Theory of Europe acceptable argument for democracy and majority rule must show that such distribution of political control are to our knowledge the most reliable mechanisms for securing and promoting the interests of all affected parties to an acceptable degree. Such a defence is comparative and cautious. All those affected by social institutions, should have an equal say in how these institutions should operate. Majority rule among all affected parties, carefully circumscribed, is the best flawed institutional arrangement securing the equal worth and respect of all affected parties. An argument of this form also seems to hold at the European level. For citizens in the European Union today, domestic democratic arrangements are insufficient. The domestic electorate and the affected no longer match. 2) Can such a theory command consensus? Four objections can be mentioned, all of which can receive adequate response. a) No appeal to shared history or destiny? b) Stretches altruism and empathy too far? c) Outsiders? d) Means of Will Formation? 3) Challenges to such a Democratic Theory of Europe a) Theory of justice for Europe: what are common good and civic virtues? b) The future of the Member States and state citizenship c) Allocation of powers among individuals, states, and EU institutions d) Outsiders: Non-EU permanent residents Close http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-1997-citpoleu.rtf Close
35.	Follesdal, Andreas: The standing of states: On John Rawls’ “Law of Peoples”. In: Koller, Peter; Puhl, Klaus (Ed.): Current issues in political philosophy, The Austrian Ludwig Wittgenstein Society, Kirchberg am Wechsel, Austria, 1996, (Volume ID: 4 Call Number: (A)). (Type: Book Chapter \| Tags: John Rawls) @inbook{RN23660, title = {The standing of states: On John Rawls' "Law of Peoples"}, author = {Andreas Follesdal}, editor = {Peter Koller and Klaus Puhl}, year = {1996}, date = {1996-01-01}, booktitle = {Current issues in political philosophy}, publisher = {The Austrian Ludwig Wittgenstein Society}, address = {Kirchberg am Wechsel, Austria}, note = {Volume ID: 4 Call Number: (A)}, keywords = {John Rawls}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } Close
34.	Føllesdal, Andreas; Lingås, Lars Gunnar; London, Liv: Hvordan sikre likeverd når noen er likere enn andre. In: Likhet eller likeverd? En kritikk av det nye kristendomsfaget i grunnskolen, pp. 115–134, Humanist Forlag, Oslo, 1996. (Type: Book Chapter \| Abstract \| Tags: Public policy, Publications) @inbook{RN15360, title = {Hvordan sikre likeverd når noen er likere enn andre}, author = {Andreas Føllesdal and Lars Gunnar Lingås and Liv London}, year = {1996}, date = {1996-01-01}, booktitle = {Likhet eller likeverd? En kritikk av det nye kristendomsfaget i grunnskolen}, pages = {115–134}, publisher = {Humanist Forlag}, address = {Oslo}, abstract = {Artikkelen tar for seg en av livssynspluralismens store utfordringer: spørsmålet om religionsfrihet i skolen, slik den kommer til uttrykk i den nye Læreplan for faget "Kristendomskunnskap med religions- og livssynsorientering". Jeg vil argumentere for at det er et stykke igjen før vi har en læreplan som vi bør godta i et samfunn som skal være tuftet på likeverd og respekt for livssynsforskjeller. Et kristent livssyn preger både formuleringer og innholdsbestemmelsen av faget på uforsvarlige måter. Departementets forslag og Stortingets vedtak går klart ut over det en livssynsmajoritet bør tillate seg i et rettferdig samfunn. Livssynspluralismens utfordringer kan også gi en økt innsikt i hvordan Norge 'europeiseres'. Vi har lenge vært underlagt lovgiving på det europeiske plan, lovgivning som etterhvert får økende betydning. Dette bør få virkninger både for innholdet i landets lover, for mandatene til offentlige utvalg, og for saksbehandling og høringsrunder. Et slående eksempel på dagens praksis er diskusjonen – og fraværet av diskusjon – av skolens kristne formålsparagraf.}, keywords = {Public policy, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } Close Artikkelen tar for seg en av livssynspluralismens store utfordringer: spørsmålet om religionsfrihet i skolen, slik den kommer til uttrykk i den nye Læreplan for faget “Kristendomskunnskap med religions- og livssynsorientering”. Jeg vil argumentere for at det er et stykke igjen før vi har en læreplan som vi bør godta i et samfunn som skal være tuftet på likeverd og respekt for livssynsforskjeller. Et kristent livssyn preger både formuleringer og innholdsbestemmelsen av faget på uforsvarlige måter. Departementets forslag og Stortingets vedtak går klart ut over det en livssynsmajoritet bør tillate seg i et rettferdig samfunn. Livssynspluralismens utfordringer kan også gi en økt innsikt i hvordan Norge ‘europeiseres’. Vi har lenge vært underlagt lovgiving på det europeiske plan, lovgivning som etterhvert får økende betydning. Dette bør få virkninger både for innholdet i landets lover, for mandatene til offentlige utvalg, og for saksbehandling og høringsrunder. Et slående eksempel på dagens praksis er diskusjonen – og fraværet av diskusjon – av skolens kristne formålsparagraf. Close
33.	Føllesdal, Andreas: Minoriteters levekår: Hva må vi vite, og hvorfor? En normativ opptakt. In: Aase, Tor (Ed.): Metodologiske tilnærminger til studiet av fordommer og diskriminering, Norges forskningsråd, Oslo, 1996. (Type: Book Chapter \| Tags: Public policy, Publications) @inbook{RN16140, title = {Minoriteters levekår: Hva må vi vite, og hvorfor? En normativ opptakt}, author = {Andreas Føllesdal}, editor = {Tor Aase}, year = {1996}, date = {1996-01-01}, booktitle = {Metodologiske tilnærminger til studiet av fordommer og diskriminering}, publisher = {Norges forskningsråd}, address = {Oslo}, series = {SEFOS}, keywords = {Public policy, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } Close
32.	Føllesdal, Andreas: Innhogg: livssynsfag, fritaksrett og likeverd. In: Norsk Pedagogisk Tidsskrift, vol. 5, pp. 311–314., 1996. (Type: Journal Article \| Abstract \| Tags: Public policy, Publications) @article{RN23630, title = {Innhogg: livssynsfag, fritaksrett og likeverd}, author = {Andreas Føllesdal}, year = {1996}, date = {1996-01-01}, journal = {Norsk Pedagogisk Tidsskrift}, volume = {5}, pages = {311–314.}, abstract = {Bygger på 1996 "Hvordan sikre likeverd når noen er likere enn andre?"}, keywords = {Public policy, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Close Bygger på 1996 “Hvordan sikre likeverd når noen er likere enn andre?” Close
31.	Follesdal, Andreas: Minority Rights: A Liberal Contractualist Case. In: Raikka, Juha (Ed.): Do We Need Minority Rights? Conceptual Issues, pp. 59-83, Kluwer Law International, The Hague, 1996. (Type: Book Chapter \| Abstract \| Links \| Tags: Human Rights) @inbook{RN16130, title = {Minority Rights: A Liberal Contractualist Case}, author = {Andreas Follesdal}, editor = {Juha Raikka}, url = {http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-1996-minorit.rtf}, year = {1996}, date = {1996-01-01}, booktitle = {Do We Need Minority Rights? Conceptual Issues}, pages = {59-83}, publisher = {Kluwer Law International}, address = {The Hague}, abstract = {This article seeks to bring liberal contractualism to bear on some of the philosophical issues raised by the claims regarding cultural protection by minorities in Europe. The aim is to explore what our commitment to equal respect entails with regards to legal protection and promotion of minority cultures. Section 1 presents some of the central philosophical and practical challenges facing such a normative theory of cultural rights: aThe interests in culture, bScope of toleration for groups, cThe significance of choice of minority status, dThe case for human rights protecting minority culture. Section 2 sketches a liberal contractualist perspective regarding the value of cultural membership within a liberal framework. Section 3 develops some responses to the philosophical issues. I suggest that we may insist on the value of cultural membership, and in particular that individuals have an interest in controlling cultural change. However, this interest does not support claims that institutions must ensure equal contexts of choice for all citizens. Equal capabilities or opportunities of this kind is beyond what justice requires, partly due to problems of measurability. However, the interest in controlling cultural change may in principle ground rights of several kinds. - rights may be needed to provide a threshold of legal protections enabling minorities to explore, share and convey their culture to each other. Examples may include parents' right to teach their children about their culture, their language and their religion. - rights may be needed to protect a culture from undue outside forces with regards to change and development. Such rights may prohibit government interference in internal minority affairs except to protect individuals' human rights. In other circumstances, minority representation on political bodies may be appropriate, particularly because the conflicts can arise in unpredictable ways. - Transparency regarding the use of government discretion is often important. Minorities' interests may support a requirement that governments develop a public policy regarding treatment of minorities, or that the government funds impact statements to discover harmful effects on minorities' culture. Thus one might argue that states should have international reporting obligations concerning the institutions that regulate minority cultures. Such obligations provide domestic minorities with leverage against governmental abuses. International audiences and public expressions of commitments reduce the risks that a government will abuse its domestic authority. Reporting also provides states of good will with a forum for receiving constructive suggestions about institutional design.}, keywords = {Human Rights}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } Close This article seeks to bring liberal contractualism to bear on some of the philosophical issues raised by the claims regarding cultural protection by minorities in Europe. The aim is to explore what our commitment to equal respect entails with regards to legal protection and promotion of minority cultures. Section 1 presents some of the central philosophical and practical challenges facing such a normative theory of cultural rights: aThe interests in culture, bScope of toleration for groups, cThe significance of choice of minority status, dThe case for human rights protecting minority culture. Section 2 sketches a liberal contractualist perspective regarding the value of cultural membership within a liberal framework. Section 3 develops some responses to the philosophical issues. I suggest that we may insist on the value of cultural membership, and in particular that individuals have an interest in controlling cultural change. However, this interest does not support claims that institutions must ensure equal contexts of choice for all citizens. Equal capabilities or opportunities of this kind is beyond what justice requires, partly due to problems of measurability. However, the interest in controlling cultural change may in principle ground rights of several kinds. – rights may be needed to provide a threshold of legal protections enabling minorities to explore, share and convey their culture to each other. Examples may include parents’ right to teach their children about their culture, their language and their religion. – rights may be needed to protect a culture from undue outside forces with regards to change and development. Such rights may prohibit government interference in internal minority affairs except to protect individuals’ human rights. In other circumstances, minority representation on political bodies may be appropriate, particularly because the conflicts can arise in unpredictable ways. – Transparency regarding the use of government discretion is often important. Minorities’ interests may support a requirement that governments develop a public policy regarding treatment of minorities, or that the government funds impact statements to discover harmful effects on minorities’ culture. Thus one might argue that states should have international reporting obligations concerning the institutions that regulate minority cultures. Such obligations provide domestic minorities with leverage against governmental abuses. International audiences and public expressions of commitments reduce the risks that a government will abuse its domestic authority. Reporting also provides states of good will with a forum for receiving constructive suggestions about institutional design. Close http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-1996-minorit.rtf Close
30.	Follesdal, Andreas: Handmaiden, gadfly, midwife? The roles of normative political theory. 1996. (Type: Unpublished \| Abstract \| Links \| Tags: EU – European Union, Publications) @unpublished{RN17030, title = {Handmaiden, gadfly, midwife? The roles of normative political theory}, author = {Andreas Follesdal}, url = {http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-1996-midwife.rtf}, year = {1996}, date = {1996-01-01}, booktitle = {ARENA Working Paper}, abstract = {The paper considers the role of normative political theory and its relationships to empirical social science research, arguing for the possibility, plausibility and fruitfulness of normative political theory regarded as providing a somewhat independent stance for critical assessment of existing social institutions. The central topics occasioning these reflections are the intertwined issues of legitimacy, democracy and stability within the European Union. Part 1 delineates various important conceptions of 'legitimacy’, part 2 considers the notion of democracy. Part 3 sketches some alternative conceptions of the role of political theory, and part 4 pursues the implications of these views for why research in normative political theory appears important. Part 5 expands on one alternative to strict functionalist accounts of political theory, indicating how Normative Contractualism may be brought to bear on central issues facing Europe. Part 6 concludes the paper by indicating where this kind of normative political theory relies on empirical research.}, keywords = {EU - European Union, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {unpublished} } Close The paper considers the role of normative political theory and its relationships to empirical social science research, arguing for the possibility, plausibility and fruitfulness of normative political theory regarded as providing a somewhat independent stance for critical assessment of existing social institutions. The central topics occasioning these reflections are the intertwined issues of legitimacy, democracy and stability within the European Union. Part 1 delineates various important conceptions of ‘legitimacy’, part 2 considers the notion of democracy. Part 3 sketches some alternative conceptions of the role of political theory, and part 4 pursues the implications of these views for why research in normative political theory appears important. Part 5 expands on one alternative to strict functionalist accounts of political theory, indicating how Normative Contractualism may be brought to bear on central issues facing Europe. Part 6 concludes the paper by indicating where this kind of normative political theory relies on empirical research. Close http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-1996-midwife.rtf Close
29.	Føllesdal, Andreas: Forskningsetikk – moralfilosofiske perspektiver. In: Seks innlegg om forskningsetikk i samfunnsvitenskap og humaniora, pp. 7–22, Oslo, 1995. (Type: Book Chapter \| Links \| Tags: Public policy, Publications, Research policy) @inbook{RN14520, title = {Forskningsetikk – moralfilosofiske perspektiver}, author = {Andreas Føllesdal}, url = {http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-1995-forsketi.rtf}, year = {1995}, date = {1995-01-01}, booktitle = {Seks innlegg om forskningsetikk i samfunnsvitenskap og humaniora}, pages = {7–22}, address = {Oslo}, series = {NESH - Den nasjonale forskningsetiske komite for samfunnsvitenskap og humaniora}, keywords = {Public policy, Publications, Research policy}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } Close http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-1995-forsketi.rtf Close
28.	Føllesdal, Andreas: Bærekraftig utvikling og internasjonal rettferdighet (Sustainable Development and International Justice). In: Langhelle, Oluf; Lafferty, William (Ed.): Bærekraftig utvikling — om utviklingens mål og bærekraftens betingelser, pp. 77-92, Ad Notam Gyldendal, Oslo, 1995. (Type: Book Chapter \| Abstract \| Tags: Climate, Policy advice) @inbook{RN13480, title = {Bærekraftig utvikling og internasjonal rettferdighet (Sustainable Development and International Justice)}, author = {Andreas Føllesdal}, editor = {Oluf Langhelle and William Lafferty}, year = {1995}, date = {1995-01-01}, booktitle = {Bærekraftig utvikling -- om utviklingens mål og bærekraftens betingelser}, pages = {77-92}, publisher = {Ad Notam Gyldendal}, address = {Oslo}, abstract = {Dersom det oppstår konflikter mellom grunnbehovene til verdens fattige og hensynet til miljø, bør grunnbehov gis første prioritet. Dette er Brundtlandkommisjonens standpunkt. Artikkelen tar sikte på å forsvare og utdype denne prioriteringen, som jeg skal kalle menneskerettighetenes primat for utviklingsstrategi. Utviklingsstrategier bør sikre grunnbehovene for dagens fattige, gjennom å respektere menneskerettighetene -- om nødvendig på bekostning av å sikre miljøet.}, keywords = {Climate, Policy advice}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } Close Dersom det oppstår konflikter mellom grunnbehovene til verdens fattige og hensynet til miljø, bør grunnbehov gis første prioritet. Dette er Brundtlandkommisjonens standpunkt. Artikkelen tar sikte på å forsvare og utdype denne prioriteringen, som jeg skal kalle menneskerettighetenes primat for utviklingsstrategi. Utviklingsstrategier bør sikre grunnbehovene for dagens fattige, gjennom å respektere menneskerettighetene — om nødvendig på bekostning av å sikre miljøet. Close
27.	Follesdal, Andreas; Eriksen, Erik Oddvar; Malnes, Raino: Europeanisation and Normative Political Theory. 1995. (Type: Unpublished \| Links \| Tags: EU – European Union, Publications) @unpublished{RN16120, title = {Europeanisation and Normative Political Theory}, author = {Andreas Follesdal and Erik Oddvar Eriksen and Raino Malnes}, url = {doc/Eriksen-Follesdal-Malnes-1995-ARENA.pdf}, year = {1995}, date = {1995-01-01}, booktitle = {Position Paper - ARENA Working Paper 1/95}, keywords = {EU - European Union, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {unpublished} } Close doc/Eriksen-Follesdal-Malnes-1995-ARENA.pdf Close
26.	Follesdal, Andreas: Justifying human rights: the challenge of cross-cultural toleration. In: European Journal of Law, Philosophy and Computer Science, vol. 4, pp. 37-48, 1995. (Type: Journal Article \| Abstract \| Links \| Tags: Human Rights) @article{RN14510, title = {Justifying human rights: the challenge of cross-cultural toleration}, author = {Andreas Follesdal}, url = {http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-1995-mr-tol.rtf}, year = {1995}, date = {1995-01-01}, journal = {European Journal of Law, Philosophy and Computer Science}, volume = {4}, pages = {37-48}, abstract = {How should universal human rights be justified in a world system of sovereign states, characterized by incompatible modes of life and religious and philosophical traditions? Human rights face a double challenge: they appear to violate the norm of state sovereignty, and they seem difficult to justify under value pluralism, across deep cross-cultural differences -- forcing us to consider whether they are intolerant, "Eurocentric" attempts at reforming all nation states. Based on reflections about why we need a theory of human rights, the paper argues that a justification for human rights need not be acceptable to all existing states: there are justifiable limits of toleration. A satisfactory justification, giving sufficient clarity regarding human rights, can build upon overlapping consensus among those world views which respect each other, and which include a commitment to the equal worth of all citizens. However, human rights need not be based on the intrinsic worth of individuals' autonomy, and can in principle include group rights such as the right to development. Human rights are justified as requirements of domestic and international legal safeguards of the basic needs of individuals, against certain standard threats posed by state power and the system of states. This account allows for the universality of human rights, and can respond to the challenge of toleration. Based on Føllesdal 1992: "Hvordan begrunne menneskerettighetene?"}, keywords = {Human Rights}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Close How should universal human rights be justified in a world system of sovereign states, characterized by incompatible modes of life and religious and philosophical traditions? Human rights face a double challenge: they appear to violate the norm of state sovereignty, and they seem difficult to justify under value pluralism, across deep cross-cultural differences — forcing us to consider whether they are intolerant, “Eurocentric” attempts at reforming all nation states. Based on reflections about why we need a theory of human rights, the paper argues that a justification for human rights need not be acceptable to all existing states: there are justifiable limits of toleration. A satisfactory justification, giving sufficient clarity regarding human rights, can build upon overlapping consensus among those world views which respect each other, and which include a commitment to the equal worth of all citizens. However, human rights need not be based on the intrinsic worth of individuals’ autonomy, and can in principle include group rights such as the right to development. Human rights are justified as requirements of domestic and international legal safeguards of the basic needs of individuals, against certain standard threats posed by state power and the system of states. This account allows for the universality of human rights, and can respond to the challenge of toleration. Based on Føllesdal 1992: “Hvordan begrunne menneskerettighetene?” Close http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-1995-mr-tol.rtf Close
25.	Føllesdal, Andreas: John Rawls: bibliografi. In: Norsk Statsvitenskapelig tidsskrift, vol. 10, no. 2, pp. 261-263, 1994, (Call Number: (D)). (Type: Journal Article \| Tags: John Rawls) @article{RN23590, title = {John Rawls: bibliografi}, author = {Andreas Føllesdal}, year = {1994}, date = {1994-01-01}, journal = {Norsk Statsvitenskapelig tidsskrift}, volume = {10}, number = {2}, pages = {261-263}, note = {Call Number: (D)}, keywords = {John Rawls}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Close
24.	Føllesdal, Andreas: Velvære, ressurser eller muligheter? Hvilke krav stiller normative teorier til måling av levekår?. In: Engelstad, Fredrik (Ed.): Levekår og fordelingsproblemer, pp. 30–53, Oslo, 1994. (Type: Book Chapter \| Tags: Public policy, Publications) @inbook{RN12800, title = {Velvære, ressurser eller muligheter? Hvilke krav stiller normative teorier til måling av levekår?}, author = {Andreas Føllesdal}, editor = {Fredrik Engelstad}, year = {1994}, date = {1994-01-01}, booktitle = {Levekår og fordelingsproblemer}, pages = {30–53}, address = {Oslo}, series = {Institutt for samfunnsforskning}, keywords = {Public policy, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } Close
23.	Føllesdal, Andreas: Om Rawls og lokal rettferdighet. In: Norsk Statsvitenskaplig Tidsskrift, vol. 10, no. 2, pp. 223-239, 1994. (Type: Journal Article \| Tags: John Rawls) @article{RN11530, title = {Om Rawls og lokal rettferdighet}, author = {Andreas Føllesdal}, year = {1994}, date = {1994-01-01}, journal = {Norsk Statsvitenskaplig Tidsskrift}, volume = {10}, number = {2}, pages = {223-239}, keywords = {John Rawls}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Close
22.	Føllesdal, Andreas: Om forskningsetikk i miljø- og utviklingsforskning. In: Gerhardsen, Tove Strand; Haug, Anette (Ed.): Etiske problemstillinger innen miljø og utvikling, pp. 7-13, Oslo, 1994. (Type: Book Chapter \| Tags: Climate, Policy advice) @inbook{RN12830, title = {Om forskningsetikk i miljø- og utviklingsforskning}, author = {Andreas Føllesdal}, editor = {Tove Strand Gerhardsen and Anette Haug}, year = {1994}, date = {1994-01-01}, booktitle = {Etiske problemstillinger innen miljø og utvikling}, pages = {7-13}, address = {Oslo}, series = {Norges forskningsråd}, keywords = {Climate, Policy advice}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } Close
21.	Føllesdal, Andreas: John Rawls: Beskjeden banebryter. In: Norsk Statsvitenskaplig Tidsskrift, vol. 10, no. 2, pp. 105-111, 1994. (Type: Journal Article \| Tags: John Rawls) @article{RN13630, title = {John Rawls: Beskjeden banebryter}, author = {Andreas Føllesdal}, year = {1994}, date = {1994-01-01}, journal = {Norsk Statsvitenskaplig Tidsskrift}, volume = {10}, number = {2}, pages = {105-111}, keywords = {John Rawls}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Close
20.	Follesdal, Andreas; Hoivik, Heidi: Ethics and consultancy: European perspectives. Kluwer Academic Publishers, Dordrecht, 1994. (Type: Book \| Tags: Edited books) @book{RN9570, title = {Ethics and consultancy: European perspectives}, author = {Andreas Follesdal and Heidi Hoivik}, year = {1994}, date = {1994-01-01}, publisher = {Kluwer Academic Publishers}, address = {Dordrecht}, keywords = {Edited books}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {book} } Close
19.	Follesdal, Andreas: Philosophers as ethics consultants: Contributions to a code of ethics. In: Follesdal, Andreas; Hoivik, Heidi (Ed.): Ethics and Consultancy: European Perspectives, pp. 253–260, Kluwer Academic Publishers, Dordrecht, 1994. (Type: Book Chapter \| Links \| Tags: Consultancy, Public policy, Publications) @inbook{RN12820, title = {Philosophers as ethics consultants: Contributions to a code of ethics}, author = {Andreas Follesdal}, editor = {Andreas Follesdal and Heidi Hoivik}, url = {http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-1994-consultant}, year = {1994}, date = {1994-01-01}, booktitle = {Ethics and Consultancy: European Perspectives}, pages = {253–260}, publisher = {Kluwer Academic Publishers}, address = {Dordrecht}, keywords = {Consultancy, Public policy, Publications}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } Close http://follesdal.net/ms/Follesdal-1994-consultant Close
18.	Føllesdal, Andreas: Livssynspluralismen som en utfordring for genteknologiens etikk. In: Kritisk Juss, no. 3, pp. 94-107, 1993. (Type: Journal Article \| Tags: Policy advice) @article{RN11540, title = {Livssynspluralismen som en utfordring for genteknologiens etikk}, author = {Andreas Føllesdal}, year = {1993}, date = {1993-01-01}, journal = {Kritisk Juss}, number = {3}, pages = {94-107}, keywords = {Policy advice}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Close
17.	Føllesdal, Andreas: John Rawls. In: Berg, Eriksen Trond (Ed.): Vestens Tenkere, vol. Bind 3, pp. 439-451, Aschehoug, Oslo, 1993. (Type: Book Chapter \| Tags: John Rawls) @inbook{RN7120, title = {John Rawls}, author = {Andreas Føllesdal}, editor = {Eriksen Trond Berg}, year = {1993}, date = {1993-01-01}, booktitle = {Vestens Tenkere}, volume = {Bind 3}, pages = {439-451}, publisher = {Aschehoug}, address = {Oslo}, keywords = {John Rawls}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } Close

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